Global silence over 7000 Palestinian prisoners

(via Anthony Loewenstein)

Israel and Palestine: Free the Prisoners

Tikun Olam | 3 December 2011

Thanks to Michael Levin for creating this wonderful poster which illustrates the hypocrisy or at at least obliviousness of those campaigning for Gilad Shalit‘s release who neglect the fact that there are 7,000 Palestinian prisoners languishing in Israeli prisons as well. They all await their freedom. Please do your very best to circulate this image around the web and send it to your friends via e mail and social networking. I hope it can become as visible on the web as posters about Gilad Shalit circulated by his own Israeli supporters.

Among the newer additions to our The Await Their Freedom project is Abdullah Abu Rachmeh, a non-violent campaigner from Bilin, who organized the anti-Wall demonstrations there. An Israeli Kangaroo judge recently extended his jail sentence at the behest of the military prosecutor for no other reason than Israel finds the Bilin protests a nasty thorn in its side. This week a relative of Abdullah’s, Jawaher Abu Rachmeh, was murdered by IDF tear gas at a similar demonstration. Alas, she cannot even be part of our our campaign to free the prisoners because she never even made it to an Israeli prison. She was a victim of CS gas, one of the most lethal tear gas formulations that exists. It smothered her and caused her death, which the IDF is now shamefully trying to blame on an imagined case of asthma.

I regret to say that during the time we were creating this poster Prisoner X went from an incommunicado detainee held in Ayalon Prison to a murdered one.

It is time for Israel to free its prisoners and time for the Palestinians to release theirs. It’s also long past time to resolve this entire conflict with compromise on both sides that are just and fair.

Ashkenazi: total war on civilians

De laatste vrijgegeven Wikileaks documenten uit 2009 tonen Israël's enthousiasme voor het starten van oorlogen in het Midden Oosten. Generaal Ashkenazi gaf ook duidelijk te kennen dat het daarbij oorlogsmisdaden gaat plegen door "geen beperkingen" in acht te nemen voor het bombarderen van burgers in dichtbevolkte gebieden. In de Nederlandse media en politiek wordt dit feit hardnekkig verzwegen.

Wikileaks: Israel Plans Total War on Lebanon, Gaza

Juan Cole | 01/02/2011

The Norwegian newspaper Aftenposten has summarized an Israeli military briefing by Israeli Chief of Staff Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi of a US congressional delegation a little over a year ago and concludes that

The memo on the talks between Ashkenazi and [Congressman Ike] Skelton, as well as numerous other documents from the same period of time, to which Aftenposten has gained access, leave a clear message: The Israeli military is forging ahead at full speed with preparations for a new war in the Middle East.

The paper says that US cables quote Ashkenazi telling the US congressmen, “I’m preparing the Israeli army for a major war, since it is easier to scale down to a smaller operation than to do the opposite.”

The general’s plans are driven by fear of growing stockpiles of rockets in Hamas-controlled Gaza and in Hizbullah-controlled Southern Lebanon, the likely theaters of the planned major new war. Ashkenazi does not seem capable of considering that, given a number of Israeli invasions and occupations of those regions, the rockets may be primarily defensive.

Ashkenazi told the visiting delegation that Israeli unmanned drones had had great success in identifying rocket emplacements in southern Lebanon, and that it had been aided in this endeavor by the US National Security Agency,which spies on communications.

The new, major war will be a total war on civilians, Ashkenazi boasted: “In the next war Israel cannot accept any restrictions on warfare in urban areas.” (I den neste krigen kan Israel ikke godta noen restriksjoner på krigføring i byområder in Norwegian, or let us just translate it into the original German: In den nächsten Krieg, den Israel kann keine Beschränkungen Kriegsführung in städtischen Gebieten.) Mind you, the civilian deaths deriving from this massive and unrestricted bombing campaign on targets in the midst of civilian urban populations will be “unintentional.” Planning to bomb civilian areas with foreknowledge that you will thereby kill large numbers of civilians is a war crime.

Ashkenazi also admitted to then Rep. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) that Hamas is not in control of even more radical groups, which had infiltrated cells into Hamas itself, and which had rocket-making capabilities. In public, Israeli officials routinely demonize Hamas for every rocket fired from the lawless, besieged territory of Gaza, but here in private Ashkenazi was admitting the opposite. He even admitted that Israeli intelligence had no means to distinguish the even-more-radical from the merely Hamas.

Other State Department documents on the same theme say that last year this time Hizbullah had about 20,000 rockets, some of which can now reach Tel Aviv, and that the Shiite militia will attempt to stretch out its supplies for a two-month-long war, and would try to lob about 100 rockets at Tel Aviv per day.

In the 2006 Israeli war on Lebanon, one fourth of the Israeli population was be forced to move house. It will be more this time, and for longer.

The memos reveal that none of the goals of Israel’s 2006 war on Lebanon and its 2008-9 war on little Gaza were achieved, and that both Hamas and Hizbullah have effectively re-armed. What makes Ashkenazi think things would be different this time? Israel hawks have doomed themselves to the particular hell of Sisyphus, forced to roll the same stone up the hill over and over again with no hope of ever balancing it on the summit.

You know, Israel could have a peace treaty with Syria and Lebanon tomorrow by giving back the Golan Heights and the Shebaa Farms, and by accepting a two-state solution. Instead, its Dr. Strangeloves are planning out massive bombings of areas thick with innocent civilians and willing to subject Tel Aviv to two months worth of rocket fire.

Nor will the United States be held harmless from the blowback in the region caused by another Israeli war of aggression. Before September 11, Israel hawks used to make fun of Americans who warned that eventually there would be hell to pay for the Israeli strangulation of the Palestinians (for the argument, see this posting). And, imagine what a war would do to gasoline prices and to the world economy. My deepest fear is that US support for Israeli militarism, and the terrorism that support inevitably engenders, will be what finally finishes off the civil liberties enshrined in the American Constitution.

Ronny Naftaniël en zijn gewelddadige stenengooiende Palestijnen

Bijna dagelijks post Ronny Naftaniël van de Nederlandse pro-Israël lobby baarlijke nonsens op Twitter. Vandaag: "90 Palestijnen proberen met geweld het Qalandia checkpoint over te gaan. Ze gooien met stenen. Israelisch leger arresteert 6 stenengooiers"

Naftaniël's bronnen zijn onbetrouwbaar. Protesteren is volgens hem "geweld", en het stenen gooien (heeft hij zelf gezien?) is blijkbaar zo erg dat hij het twee maal in één tweet propt. Dat de zwaar bewapende Israëlische soldaten continue traangasgraten afschieten op de protesteerders, vindt Ronny blijkbaar blijkbaar geen "geweld". Wie weet, misschien vindt hij het wel weer "zelfverdediging", net zoals hij beweerde over de honderden gedode kinderen in Gaza 2008-2009. De man heeft geen enkele moraal.

Het CIDI noemde het beschieten van scholen in Gaza "een tragisch incident", en dat het ook wel meeviel allemaal. Daarna lezen we weer sprookjes over de Israëli's het allemaal ook heel erg vonden, en dat Hamas burgers als schild gebruikt, nee sterker nog, Hamas stuurde hen juist de bombardementen in, nee nog sterker: Gazanen werden gedood door de boobytraps van Hamas.

Hoe zou Naftaniël gereageerd hebben wanneer Gazanen honderden joodse kinderen naar het hiernamaals zouden schieten? Zou hij dan ook uitleggen dat dat "niet buitenproportioneel" is, en de schuld is van het IDF? Nee, natuurlijk niet, want de Naftaniël's humaniteit stopt bij het checkpoint.

Wat er werkelijk in Qalandia aan de hand is:

French activists arrested at West Bank protest
(AFP) – 1 hour ago

JERUSALEM — Nine French activists were arrested on Sunday during a pro-Palestinian demonstration at a major Israeli checkpoint in the West Bank, police and protest organisers told AFP.

"Our forces today dispersed protesters who were throwing rocks at us and proceeded to arrest nine people, including some foreigners," Micky Rosenfeld said.

"The protest took place at the Qalandia checkpoint, north of Jerusalem, and the police made arrests after the activists tried to cross the checkpoint," he added.

A spokesman for the French EuroPalestine activist group said nine French citizens were arrested at the demonstration. A Palestinian detained at the protest was later released, he said

On Saturday, another French activist, Layli Ben Saffi, was arrested by the Israeli military during a protest against Israeli settler activity in the West Bank city of Hebron. He was released on Saturday evening.

Some 70 members of the EuroPalestine group have spent the last week in the Palestinian territories on an observer mission, a group spokesman said.

The president of the organisation, Olivia Zemor, was deported last Wednesday "on the recommendation of the security services," after being detained at Ben Gurion upon arrival.

Foto's van Qalandia vandaag (en eerder) over het "geweld" van de "90 Palestijnen" die "stenen gooien":

Israeli policemen scuffle with Palestinian and foreign activists during a protest against Israel's separation barrier at the Qalandia checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem, Sunday, Dec. 26, 2010. Israel says the barrier is necessary for security while Palestinians call it a land grab.

Nog meer "geweld" van de dames.

Gooide iemand daar iets? Ronny, twitteren joh!
Israeli soldiers clash with foreign and Palestinian activists during a pro-Palestinian protest at the major Israeli checkpoint of Qalandia, between the West Bank city of Ramallah and Jerusalem, on December 26, 2010 where nine people were arrested including some foreigners.

Jawel, zeer gewelddadig, die "stenengooiers"

Oog kwijt geraakt door traangasgranaat.

Nog een traangasgranaat.

Geweld.

Qalandia checkpoint

Human Rights Watch rapport 'Separate and Unequal'

Het 166 pagina's tellende rapport van Human Rights Watch 'Separate and Unequal - Israel’s Discriminatory Treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories' (pdf, online) wordt totaal verzwegen in de Nederlandse media. Daar waar internationale media en persbureaus vrij uitgebreid reageren op het "unprecedented" rapport, heerst hier het stilzwijgen, en wordt het nieuws geregeerd door het het winterweer en het 'zeilmeisje'. Want dat lezen de mensen graag.

Israel/West Bank: Separate and Unequal
Under Discriminatory Policies, Settlers Flourish, Palestinians Suffer

Human Rights Watch | 19 december 2010

(Jerusalem) - Israeli policies in the West Bank harshly discriminate against Palestinian residents, depriving them of basic necessities while providing lavish amenities for Jewish settlements, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The report identifies discriminatory practices that have no legitimate security or other justification and calls on Israel, in addition to abiding by its international legal obligation to withdraw the settlements, to end these violations of Palestinians' rights.

The 166-page report, "Separate and Unequal: Israel's Discriminatory Treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories," shows that Israel operates a two-tier system for the two populations of the West Bank in the large areas where it exercises exclusive control. The report is based on case studies comparing Israel's starkly different treatment of settlements and next-door Palestinian communities in these areas. It calls on the US and EU member states and on businesses with operations in settlement areas to avoid supporting Israeli settlement policies that are inherently discriminatory and that violate international law.

"Palestinians face systematic discrimination merely because of their race, ethnicity, and national origin, depriving them of electricity, water, schools, and access to roads, while nearby Jewish settlers enjoy all of these state-provided benefits," said Carroll Bogert, deputy executive director for external relations at Human Rights Watch. "While Israeli settlements flourish, Palestinians under Israeli control live in a time warp - not just separate, not just unequal, but sometimes even pushed off their lands and out of their homes."

By making their communities virtually uninhabitable, Israel's discriminatory policies have frequently had the effect of forcing residents to leave their communities, Human Rights Watch said. According to a June 2009 survey of households in "Area C," the area covering 60 percent of the West Bank that is under exclusive Israeli control, and East Jerusalem, which Israel unilaterally annexed, some 31 percent of Palestinian residents had been displaced since 2000.

Human Rights Watch looked at both Area C and East Jerusalem and found that the two-tier system in effect in both areas provides generous financial benefits and infrastructure support to promote life in Jewish settlements, while deliberately withholding basic services, punishing growth, and imposing harsh conditions on Palestinian communities. Such different treatment on the basis of race, ethnicity, and national origin that is not narrowly tailored to legitimate goals violates the fundamental prohibition against discrimination under human rights law.

"Discrimination of the kind practiced daily in the West Bank should be beyond the pale for anyone."

Israeli policies control many aspects of the day-to-day life of Palestinians who live in Area C and East Jerusalem. Among the discriminatory burdens imposed on Palestinians that Human Rights Watch found are Israeli practices of expropriating land from Palestinians for settlements and their supporting infrastructure; blocking Palestinians from using roads and reaching agricultural lands; denying access to electricity and water; denying building permits for houses, schools, clinics, and infrastructure; and demolishing homes and even entire communities. Such measures have limited the expansion of Palestinian villages and imposed severe hardships on residents, including leaving them with limited access to medical care.

By contrast, Israeli policies promote and encourage Jewish settlements to expand in Area C and East Jerusalem, often using land and other resources that are effectively unavailable to Palestinians. The Israeli government grants numerous incentives to settlers, including funding for housing, education, and infrastructure, such as special roads. Those benefits have led to the consistent and rapid expansion of settlements, the population of which grew from approximately 241,500 inhabitants in 1992 to roughly 490,000 in 2010, including East Jerusalem.

"While Israeli policy makers are fighting for the ‘natural growth' of their illegal settlements, they're strangling historic Palestinian communities, forbidding families from expanding their homes, and making life unlivable," Bogert said. "The policies surrounding Israel's settlements are an affront to equality and a major obstacle to ordinary Palestinian life."

Palestinians face systematic discrimination merely because of their race, ethnicity, and national origin, depriving them of electricity, water, schools, and access to roads, while nearby Jewish settlers enjoy all of these state-provided benefits. While Israeli settlements flourish, Palestinians under Israeli control live in a time warp - not just separate, not just unequal, but sometimes even pushed off their lands and out of their homes.
Carroll Bogert, deputy executive director for external relations at Human Rights Watch

One of the Palestinian communities that Human Rights Watch examines in the report is Jubbet al-Dhib, a village with 160 residents southeast of Bethlehem that dates from 1929. The village is often accessible only by foot because its only connection to a paved road is a rough, 1.5 kilometer-long dirt track. Children from Jubbet al-Dhib must walk to schools in other villages several kilometers away because their own village has no school.

Jubbet al-Dhib lacks electricity despite numerous requests to be connected to the Israeli electric grid, which Israeli authorities have rejected. Israeli authorities also rejected an international donor-funded project that would have provided the village with solar-powered street lights. Any meat or milk in the village must be eaten the same day due to lack of refrigeration; residents often resort to eating preserved foods instead. Villagers depend for light on candles, kerosene lanterns, and, when they can afford to fill it with gasoline, a small generator.

Approximately 350 meters away is the Jewish community of Sde Bar, founded in 1997. It has a paved access road for its population of around 50 people and is connected to Jerusalem by a new, multi-million-dollar highway - the "Lieberman Road" - which bypasses Palestinian cities, towns, and villages, like Jubbet al-Dhib. Sde Bar operates a high school, but Jubbet al-Dhib students may not attend. Settlements are designated closed military areas that may be entered only with special military permits. Residents of Sde Bar have the amenities common to any Israeli town, such as refrigerators and electric lights, which Jubbet al-Dhib villagers can see from their homes at night.

"Palestinian children in areas under Israeli control are studying by candlelight while watching the electric lights in settlers' windows," Bogert said. "Pretending that depriving Palestinian kids of access to schools or water or electricity has something to do with security is absurd."

In most cases where Israel has acknowledged differential treatment of Palestinians - such as when it bars them from "settler-only" roads - it has asserted that the measures are necessary to protect Jewish settlers and other Israelis who are subject to periodic attacks by Palestinian armed groups. But no security or other legitimate rationale can explain the vast scale of differential treatment of Palestinians, such as permit denials that effectively prohibit Palestinians from building or repairing homes, schools, roads, and water tanks, Human Rights Watch said.

Moreover, in addressing security concerns, Israel often acts as if all Palestinians pose a security threat by virtue of their race, ethnicity, and national origin, rather than narrowly tailoring restrictions to specific individuals who are shown to pose a threat. The legal prohibition of discrimination prohibits such broad-brush restrictions.

"The world long ago discarded spurious arguments to justify treating one group of people differently from another merely because of their race, ethnicity, or national origin," Bogert said. "It's time for Israel to end its policies of discrimination and stop treating Palestinians under its control markedly worse than Jews in the same area."

Israel's highest court has ruled that certain measures against Palestinian citizens of Israel were illegal because they were discriminatory. However, Human Rights Watch is not aware that the courts have adjudicated whether any Israeli practice in the West Bank discriminated against Palestinians, although petitioners have raised such claims in a number of cases.

Human Rights Watch said that the blatantly discriminatory practices make it an urgent matter for donor countries to avoid contributing to or being complicit in the violations of international law caused by the settlements. These countries should take meaningful steps encourage the Israeli government to abide by its obligations, Human Rights Watch said.

Palestinians face systematic discrimination merely because of their race, ethnicity, and national origin, depriving them of electricity, water, schools, and access to roads, while nearby Jewish settlers enjoy all of these state-provided benefits.

Human Rights Watch reiterated its recommendation that the United States, which provides US$2.75 billion in aid to Israel annually, should suspend financing to Israel in an amount equivalent to the costs of Israel's spending in support of settlements, which a 2003 study estimated at $1.4 billion. Similarly, based on numerous reports that US tax-exempt organizations provide substantial contributions to support settlements, the report urges the US to verify that such tax-exemptions are consistent with US obligations to ensure respect for international law, including prohibitions against discrimination.

Human Rights Watch called on the EU, a primary export market for settlement products, to ensure that it does not provide incentives for settlement exports through preferential tariff treatment, and to identify cases where discrimination against Palestinians has contributed to the production of goods. For example, the report documents how crops exported from settlements using water from Israeli-drilled wells have dried up nearby Palestinian wells, limiting Palestinians' ability to cultivate their own lands and even their access to drinking water.

The report also describes cases in which businesses have contributed to or benefited directly from discrimination against Palestinians, for example through commercial activities on lands that were unlawfully confiscated from Palestinians without compensation for the benefit of settlers. These businesses also benefit from Israeli governmental subsidies, tax abatements, and discriminatory access to infrastructure, permits, and export channels. Human Rights Watch called on businesses to investigate, prevent and mitigate such violations, including ending any operations that cannot be separated from discriminatory Israeli practices.

"Discrimination of the kind practiced daily in the West Bank should be beyond the pale for anyone," Bogert said. "Foreign governments and businesses at risk of being tainted by Israel's unlawful practices should identify and end policies and actions that support them."

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Nieuws » Israel deprives Palestinians in West Bank: report (Reuters)

Buitenlandse hulp bij bestrijding bosbrand Israël

Summary - Israeli violations of international law and humanitarian law in the OPT continued during the reporting period (25 November – 01 December 2010):

Shooting:
 
During the reporting period, 12 Palestinian civilians, including two children, were wounded by IOF in the Gaza Strip. A 13th civilian was wounded by IOF in al-'Eissawiya village near Jerusalem.

In the Gaza Strip, IOF fired at Palestinian workers who were collecting raw construction materials, at fishermen and at farmers. As a result, 10 workers, one farmer and one fishermen were wounded by Israeli gunfire. The wounded include two children. 
 
On 24 November 2010, a Palestinian civilian was wounded by IOF in al-'Eissawiya village near Jerusalem.
 
During the reporting period, IOF used excessive force to disperse peaceful demonstrations organized in protest to Israeli settlement activities and the construction of the annexation wall. As a result, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international human rights defenders suffered from tear gas inhalation or sustained bruises.


 
Incursions:
 
During the reporting period, IOF conducted at least 35 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank, during which they arrested 8 Palestinian civilians, including Nayef al-Rajoub, Member of the Palestinian Legislative Council. They also summoned 13 Palestinian civilians for interrogation.
 
In the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted one limited incursion into the northern Gaza Strip, during which they leveled areas of Palestinian land, which they had already razed.


 
Restrictions on Movement:
 
Israel had continued to impose a tightened siege on the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.
 
Gaza Strip
 
Israel has continuously closed all border crossings to the Gaza Strip for over three years. The illegal Israeli-imposed closure of the Gaza Strip, which has steadily tightened since June 2007, has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip. 
 
· The illegal closure has caused not only a humanitarian crisis but a crisis of human rights and human dignity for the population of the Gaza Strip. Measures declared recently to ease the blockade are vague, purely cosmetic and fail to deal with the root causes of the crisis, which can only be addressed by an immediate and complete lifting of the closure, including lifting the travel ban into and out of the Gaza Strip and the ban on exports. PCHR is concerned that the new Israeli policy is simply shifting Gaza to another form of illegal blockade, one that may become internationally accepted and institutionalized. Palestinians in Gaza may no longer suffer from the same shortage of goods, but they will remain economically dependent and unable to care for themselves, and socially, culturally and academically isolated from the rest of the world.
 
· Expanding the list of items allowed into Gaza does not change the illegality of this policy, which is inconsistent with Israel’s legal obligations both as an Occupying Power and under international human rights treaties to which it is party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 
 
· Facts on the ground refute Israeli claims with respect to the easing of the closure imposed on the Gaza Strip and the reduction of restrictions imposed on the entry of goods.
 
· Israeli declaration of allowing new goods to be entered into the Gaza Strip constitutes an attempt to delude the international community, as such goods do not meet the minimal needs of the Gaza Strip. 
 
· IOF have continued to ban the entry of raw construction materials into the Gaza Strip. 
 
· IOF have imposed a ban on all exports from the Gaza Strip. 
 
· Israel had continued to close Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing to Palestinian civilians wishing to travel to the West Bank and Israeli for medical treatment, trade or social visits.
 
· Israel has imposed additional access restrictions on international diplomats, journalists and humanitarian workers seeking to enter the Gaza Strip. They have prevented representatives of several international humanitarian organizations from entering the Gaza Strip.
 
· Living conditions of the Palestinian civilian population have seriously deteriorated; levels of poverty and unemployment have mounted sharply.


 
West Bank
 
IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians throughout the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip continue to be denied access to Jerusalem.
 
· IOF have established checkpoints in and around Jerusalem, severely restricting Palestinian access to the city. Civilians are frequently prevented from praying at al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.
 
· There are approximately 585 permanent roadblocks, and manned and unmanned checkpoints across the West Bank.
 
· When complete, the illegal Annexation Wall will stretch for 724 kilometers around the West Bank, further isolating the entire population. 350 kilometers of the Wall have already been constructed. Approximately 99% of the Wall has been constructed inside the West Bank itself, further confiscating Palestinian land.
 
· At least 65% of the main roads that lead to 18 Palestinian communities in the West Bank are closed or fully controlled by IOF.
 
· There are approximately 500 kilometers of restricted roads across the West Bank. In addition, approximately one third of the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, is inaccessible to Palestinians without a permit issued by the IOF. These permits are extremely difficult to obtain.
 
· IOF continue to harass, and assault demonstrators who hold peaceful protests against the construction of the Annexation Wall.


 
· Palestinian civilians continue to be harassed by IOF in Jerusalem, and across the West Bank, including being regularly stopped and searched in the streets by IOF.
 
Measures Aimed at Creating a Jewish Demographic Majority in Jerusalem: 
 
IOF have continued to take measures at creating a Jewish majority in Jerusalem.
 
On 25 November 2010, the Israeli Municipality of Jerusalem waged a campaign against owners of shops in Hazma village near Jerusalem. They demolished 9 shops claiming that their owners do not have licenses. Losses are estimated at more than 1.5 million NIS.
 
On the same day, IOF demolished a house and a printing press in al-'Eissawiya village near Jerusalem. 
 
IOF demolished a house in al-Tour neighborhood in Jerusalem. 
 
During the reporting period, the organization committee in the Israeli Municipality of Jerusalem approved the construction of 130 housing unit between "Gilo" settlement and Beit Safafa village. The committee approved turning the area, which was devoted to the establishment of hotels, into a residential area. 
 
On 01 December 2010, the Israeli district committee of organization and construction approved the construction of 625 housing units in "Pisgat Ze'ev" settlement, northeast of Jerusalem. It is worth noting that the Israeli occupation authorities have started to construct another 1,300 housing units in Israeli settlements in Jerusalem and 1,000 ones in settlements in the West Bank, since the end of the temporary freezing of settlement activities on 25 September 2010.


 
Settlement Activities:
 
Israel has continued its settlement activities in the OPT in violation of international humanitarian law, and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property. 
 
On 25 November 2010, IOF demolished a mosque, a house and 10 barracks in Kherbat Yazra village, east of Tubas, in the northern Jordan Valley. 
 
On the same day, IOF moved into al-Dairat area to the east of Yatta village, south of Hebron. They demolished a house in the village. 
 
Also on the same day, IOF handed two notices to Mousa Taha and Hussein Shamsna, fom Qatna village northwest of Jerusalem, that their animal farms would be demolished.
 
On 29 November 2010, IOF moved into al-Ma'sara village, south of Bethlehem. They handed notices to Mahmoud Ahmed Zawahra and 'Awadh Hassan Zawahra ordering the demolition of their houses. IOF also ordered the demolition of Ibrahim al-Khalil Mosque by 23 December 2010.


 
 
Israeli Violations Documented during the Reporting Period (11 – 24 November 2010)
 
1. Incursions into Palestinian Areas and Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
 
Thursday, 25 November 2010
 
· At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into the villages of Beit Ummar and Safa, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a number of houses, especially ones belonging to persons who are active in resisting settlement activities and the annexation wall. They arrested 4 Palestinian civilians, including two brothers:
 
1. Mousa 'Abdul Hamid Abu Maria, 32, Coordinator of the National Committee against the Annexation Wall in Beit Ummar village;
2. Saddam Kassab Abu Daya, 25;
3. Yousef 'Abdul Hamid Abu Maria, 38; and
4. Mo'ayad Hassan al-Tit,20.
 
IOF also confiscated a laptop and some personal belongings of the first detainee. On Sunday evening, 29 November 2010, IOF released the four detainees after forcing them to sign oaths not to be present near "Karmi Tsur" settlement to the south of Beit Ummar village.
 
· Also at approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Jenin town and refugee camp. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Za'tara village, east of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to the family of Anas Mohammed Thwaib, 26, and summoned him for interrogation.
 
· At approximately 07:00, IOF moved nearly 350 meters into the northeast of the Bedouin Village in the northern Gaza Strip. They leveled areas of Palestinian land.
 
· At approximately 10:00, IOF moved into Ya'bad village, southwest of Jenin. They raided and searched a number of houses and summoned 6 Palestinian civilians for interrogation.
 
· Also at approximately 10:00, IOF moved into Shwaika suburb, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched two car maintenance workshops, but no arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 17:00, IOF moved into the western neighborhood in Tulkarm. They patrolled in the streets for some time. They stopped near Ajnadin School. An Israeli soldier stepped down and beat 11-year-old Wa'ed Fat'hallah al-Hamshari, when he was playing in the area. IOF also confiscated the child's bicycle. IOF withdrew from the town later and no arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 21:50, IOF moved into Kharabtha al-Misbah village, west of Ramallah, and patrolled in the streets. A number of Palestinian boys gathered and threw stones at IOF military vehicles. Immediately, Israeli soldiers fired at the boys, but no casualties were reported.
 
· At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into Sa'ir village, northeast of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to the family of As'ad Zaidan Jaradt, 18, and arrested him.


 
Friday, 26 November 2010
 
· At approximately 10:00, IOF moved into Fahma village, southwest of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· Also at approximately 10:00, IOF moved into Ya'bad village, southwest of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
Saturday, 27 November 2010
 
· At approximately 09:10, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers on the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel to the northwest of Beit Lahia town opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers from a site where the evacuated Israeli settlement of "Elli Sinai" used to stand. As a result, Shamekh Sa'id al-Debes, 16, from Jabalya town, was wounded by a bullet to the left leg, when he was nearly 150 meters away from the border.
 
· At approximately 12:30, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers at the beach to the northwest of Beit Lahia town in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at a number of Palestinian fishermen who were fishing nearly 350 meters away from the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel. As a result, Ahmed Mahmoud Jarbou', 26, from al-Shati refugee camp in the west of Gaza City.
 
· At approximately 14:00, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers near Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers who were collecting raw construction materials from the debris of buildings in Erez industrial zone. As a result, Khaled Ashraf Abu Sitta, 21, from Beit Hanoun town, was wounded by a bullet to the left leg.
 
· At approximately 23:00, IOF moved into Beit Liqya village, west of Ramallah, and patrolled in the streets. A number of Palestinian boys gathered and threw stones at IOF military vehicles. Immediately, Israeli soldiers fired at the boys, but no casualties were reported.


 
Sunday, 28 November 2010
 
· At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into 'Anabta village, east of Tulkarm. They patrolled in the streets for ssome time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into 'Aaroura village, north of Ramallah. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Jayous village, northeast of Qalqilya. They raided a number of houses and summoned 3 Palestinian civilians for interrogation: Khaled Mulaq Shamasna, 36; Taher Mohammed Jaber, 40; and Sari Mohammed Baida, 22.
 
· At approximately 08:15, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers near Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers who were collecting raw construction materials from the debris of buildings in Erez industrial zone. As a result, Mukhles Jawad al-Masri, 15, from Beit Hanoun town, was wounded by a bullet to the left leg, when he was nearly 250 meters away.
 
· At approximately 08:30, IOF moved into Shwaika suburb, north of Tulkarm. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 09:15, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers at the beach to the northwest of Beit Lahia town in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers who were collecting raw construction materials from the evacuated Israeli settlement of "Elli Sinai." As a result, Mamdouh 'Aayesh al-Sous, 28, from Beit Lahia town, was wounded by a bullet to the left foot.
 
· At approximately 09:30, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers near Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers who were collecting raw construction materials from the debris of buildings in Erez industrial zone. As a result, Mohammed Khalil al-Za'anin, 20, from Beit Hanoun town, was wounded by a bullet to the left leg, when he was nearly 100 meters away.
 
· At approximately 10:00, IOF moved into 'Ejja village, south of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 10:10, IOF moved into Jainsafout village, east of Qalqilya. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 10:30, IOF moved into Sanour village, south of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 11:30, IOF moved into al-Rama village, south of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 13:30, IOF moved into Bidya village, west of Salfit. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· Also at approximately 13:30, IOF moved into Salfit. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 17:50, IOF moved into Jeet village, east of Qalqilya. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 19:30, IOF moved into Bourqin village, southwest of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 19:40, IOF moved into Nabi Elias village, east of Qalqilya. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.


 
Monday, 29 November 2010
 
· At approximately 00:30, IOF moved into Kufor al-Dik village, west of Salfit. They raided and searched a number of houses and summoned 3 Palestinian civilians for interrogation: Gharib 'Abdul Rahman al-Dik, 20; Nash'at 'Abdul Rahman al-Dik, 20; and Shihab Karem al-Dik, 20.
 
· At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched a house belonging to Samer Jameel al-Balboul, but no arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 01:25, IOF moved into Qalqilya. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into Kufor Dan village, west of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 11:15, IOF moved into Abu Da'if village, east of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· Also at approximately 11:15, IOF moved into al-Khalayel area near Kufor 'Abboush village, south of Tulkarm. They searched the area and withdrew later. No arrests were reported.
 
· At approximately 14:15, IOF moved into Safarin village, east of Tulkarm. They patrolled in the streets for some time and withdrew later.  No arrests were reported.
 
Tuesday, 30 November 2010
 
· At approximately 07:20, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers at the beach to the northwest of Beit Lahia town in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire at a number of Palestinian workers who were collecting raw construction materials from the evacuated Israeli settlement of "Elli Sinai." As a result, Isma'il Sa'ed Ghaben, 31, from Beit Lahia town, was wounded by a bullet to the left leg, when he was nearly 150 meters away from the border.
 
· At approximately 08:20, Israeli soldiers fired at Palestinian workers in the same area. As a result, two workers were wounded:
 
1. Ghassan Mas'oud Abu Riala, 21, from al-Zaytoun neighborhood in Gaza City, wounded by a bullet to the left leg; and
2. Ameen Akram Abu Shawish, 22, from al-Zaytoun neighborhood in Gaza City, wounded by a bullet to the left leg.
 
· At approximately 08:40, a fourth worker was wounded by IOF in the same area. He was identified as Nader Mohammed al-Anqar, 21, from Beit Lahia town, wounded by a bullet to the left leg.
 
· At approximately 10:40, IOF stationed at the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel to the northeast of Beit Lahia town opened fire at Palestinian agricultural areas near the border. As a result, Bayan Farouq Tanboura, 26, a farmer from Beit Lahia, was wounded by a bullet to the left leg, when he was nearly 400 meters away from the border.
 
· At approximately 22:30, IOF moved into Tulkarm. They raided and searched a number of houses, including a 3-storey apartment building belonging to the family of 'Alaa' Saleh Shahin, 38, whom they interrogated. No arrests were reported.


 
Wednesday, 24 November 2010
 
· At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Dura village, northwest of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Nayef Mahmoud al-Rajoub, 53, Member of the Palestinian Legislative Council, without allowing him to change his sleeping clothes. It is worth noting that al-Rajoub had been released from Israeli jails on 20 June 2010.
 
· At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into 'Arraba village, southwest of Jenin. They raided a house belonging to the family of Mohammed 'Abdul Latif Shibani, 35, a leader of Islamic Jihad. An Israeli intelligence officer interrogated him about his detention by Palestinian security services. The officer also discussed with him the current political situation. IOF then raided a house belonging to Tayseer Burhan Jaber, 48, and took him to guide then to the house of his nephew, Samer Mo'in Jaber, 30, a leader of Islamic Jihad. IOF raided the house and interrogated Samer. They then raided a house belonging to Ja'far Ibrahim 'Izziddin, 39, another leader of Islamic Jihad, and discussed with him the current political situation.  
 
· At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into al-Khader village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched a house belonging to Samer Jameel al-Balboul, but no arrests were reported. .
 
· At approximately 11:45, Israeli soldiers positioned at the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel fired at a number of Palestinian workers who were collecting raw construction materials in Bourat Abu Samra area, nearly 400 meters away from the border. As a result, Murad Bassam al-Souq, 19, was wounded by a bullet to the right leg. .
 
2. Use of Excessive Force against Peaceful Demonstrations Protesting Settlement Activities and the Construction of the Annexation Wall
 
During the reporting period, IOF used force against peaceful demonstrations organized by Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders in protest to the construction of the Wall and settlement activities in the West Bank. As a result, 9 Palestinian civilians, including two children, were wounded. Dozens of Palestinian civilians and human rights defenders also suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises. IOF also arrested 5 international and Israeli human rights defenders and a Palestinian child.
   
· Following the Friday Prayer on 26 November 2010, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in protest to the construction of the Annexation Wall in Bil'ein village, west of Ramallah. They moved towards the annexation wall. Israeli soldiers stationed in the area fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the demonstrators. As a result, a number of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation and others sustained bruises as they were beaten by Israeli soldiers.  
 
· Also following the Friday Prayer on 26 November 2010, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international and human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in Ne'lin village, west of Ramallah, in protest against the construction of the Annexation Wall. They clashed with Israeli troops positioned near the Wall. Israeli troops fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at demonstrators. As a result, dozens of demonstrators suffered from tear gas inhalation, and others sustained bruises.
 
· Also following the Friday Prayer on 26 November 2010, dozens of Palestinian civilians and international and Israeli human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in Nabi Saleh village, northwest of Ramallah, in commemoration of the late Palestinian President Yasser Arafat, and in protest against land confiscations in the Wad al-Raya area between the villages of Nabi Saleh and Deir Nizam. When the demonstrators attempted to reach areas of land seized by Israeli settlers near "Halmish" settlement, Israeli troops fired rubber-coated metal bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at them. A number of demonstrators also suffered from tear gas inhalation. IOF also chased the demonstrators into the village. They also turned a house belonging to Helmi Tamimi into a military site. They withdrew from the village at approximately 17:00.
 
· Also on Friday noon, 26 November 2010, dozens of Palestinian civilians and a number of international human rights defenders organized a peaceful demonstration in al-Ma'sara village, south of Bethlehem. They moved towards the annexation wall in the north and northwest of the village. IOF reinforced their presence at the entrance of the village. They attacked the demonstrators and fired tear gas canisters and sound bombs at them. As a result, 6 demonstrators, including 15-year-old Mo'tassem Mos'ad Fawaghra, suffered from tear gas inhalation.
 
· At approximately 13:00 on Monday, 29 November 2010, Israeli soldiers stationed on observation towers on the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel near Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing in the northern Gaza Strip opened fire about 50 demonstrators, including 7 international solidarity activists, who demonstrated nearly 50 meters away from the border in protest to the establishment of a restricted buffer zone along the border. No casualties were reported.


 
3. Continued Closure of the OPT
 
Israel has continued to impose a tightened closure of the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.
 
Gaza Strip
 
Israel has continuously closed all border crossings to the Gaza Strip for over three years. The illegal Israeli-imposed closure of the Gaza Strip, which has steadily tightened since June 2007, has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip.
 
· The illegal closure has caused not only a humanitarian crisis but a crisis of human rights and human dignity for the population of the Gaza Strip. Measures declared recently to ease the blockade are vague, purely cosmetic and fail to deal with the root causes of the crisis, which can only be addressed by an immediate and complete lifting of the closure, including lifting the travel ban into and out of the Gaza Strip and the ban on exports. PCHR is concerned that the new Israeli policy is simply shifting Gaza to another form of illegal blockade, one that may become internationally accepted and institutionalized. Palestinians in Gaza may no longer suffer from the same shortage of goods, but they will remain economically dependent and unable to care for themselves, and socially, culturally and academically isolated from the rest of the world.
 
· Expanding the list of items allowed into Gaza does not change the illegality of this policy, which is inconsistent with Israel’s legal obligations both as an Occupying Power and under international human rights treaties to which it is party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 
 
· Facts on the ground refute Israeli claims with respect to the easing of the closure imposed on the Gaza Strip and the reduction of restrictions imposed on the entry of goods.
 
· Israeli declaration of allowing new goods to be entered into the Gaza Strip constitutes an attempt to delude the international community, as such goods do not meet the minimal needs of the Gaza Strip. 
 
· IOF have continued to ban the entry of raw construction materials into the Gaza Strip. 
 
· IOF have imposed a ban on all exports from the Gaza Strip. 
 
· Israel had continued to close Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing to Palestinian civilians wishing to travel to the West Bank and Israeli for medical treatment, trade or social visits.
 
· Israel has imposed additional access restrictions on international diplomats, journalists and humanitarian workers seeking to enter the Gaza Strip. They have prevented representatives of several international humanitarian organizations from entering the Gaza Strip.
 
· Living conditions of the Palestinian civilian population have seriously deteriorated; levels of poverty and unemployment have mounted sharply.



The West Bank
 
Israel has imposed a tightened closure on the West Bank. During the reporting period, IOF imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians.
 
· Jerusalem: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians to and from the city. Thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have been denied access to the city. IOF have established many checkpoints around and inside the city. Restrictions of the movement of Palestinian civilians often escalate on Fridays, preventing Muslim Palestinians from praying at al-Aqsa Mosque.     
 
· Bethlehem: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. They have maintained their presence at 41 checkpoints around the town. The town has been also impacted by the construction of the annexation wall to the north and west, and large areas of Palestinian land have been isolated by the wall. During the reporting period, Israeli troops stationed at the 300 checkpoint (Rachel Tomb), north of Bethlehem, continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians wishing to travel to Jerusalem. Palestinian civilians are forced to wait in queues on two routes outside the checkpoint. They are then checked by Israeli soldiers using electronic checking machines. Such checking is often prolonged and humiliating.   
 
· Ramallah: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of the Palestinian civilians in Ramallah. IOF troops positioned at the Jaba' and Qalandiya checkpoints, southeast of Ramallah, have imposed additional restrictions on movement and conducted prolonged checks of Palestinian civilians. During the reporting period, IOF established a number of temporary checkpoints, and stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. At approximately 16:30 on Thursday, 25 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Silwad village, northeast of Ramallah. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. At approximately 23:00 on the same day, IOF re-established their presence at 'Attara checkpoint at the northern entrance of Bir Zeit village, north of Ramallah. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilians. At approximately 21:00 on Saturday, 26 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint under Deir Dibwan Bridge, northeast of Ramallah. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. At approximately 20:00 on Sunday, 27 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint at Kharabtha al-Misbah intersection, west of Ramallah. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.     
 
· Qalqilya: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. On Friday, 26 November 2010, IOF established 5 checkpoints around Qalqilya. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.  On Saturday, 27 November 2010, IOF established 4 checkpoints around Qalqilya. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.  On Sunday, 26 November 2010, IOF established 3 checkpoints around Qalqilya. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.
 
· Tulkarm: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. At approximately 14:00 on Thursday, 25 November 2010, IOF closed Eannab checkpoint, east of Tulkarm, for several hours.  At approximately 16:00 on Friday, 26 November 2010, Israeli soldiers stationed at Ennab checkpoint, east of Tulkarm, imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. At the same time, IOF established a checkpoint near Kufor Sour intersection on Tulkarm-Qalqilya road, south of Tulkarm. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. At approximately 20:30 on Saturday, 28 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint near Far'oun intersection on Tulkarm-Qalqilya road, south of Tulkarm. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. At approximately 09:00 on Sunday, 28 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of al-Jaroushiya village, north of Tulkarm. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. At approximately 09:00 on Monday, 29 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint Beit Leed intersection on Nablus-Tulkarm road, east of Tulkarm. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.
 
· Nablus: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. At approximately 10:30 on Monday, 29 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint near Deir Sharaf intersection on Nablus-Tulkarm road, west of Nablus. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.
 
· Jenin: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. At approximately 19:30 on Thursday, 25 November 2010, IOF closed Barta'a checkpoint to the east of Barta'a village, which has been isolated by the annexation wall, west of Jenin, for several hours, claiming that they found explosives. At approximately 12:00 on Sunday, 28 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Jaba' village, south of Jenin, and another one at the entrance of 'Anza village, south of the town. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. 
 
· Salfit: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. IOF have continued to close the northern entrance of Salfit with cement blocks and sand barriers since 2000. They have also continued to close two roads linking Marda village with agricultural land belonging to it.  At approximately 23:00 on Friday, 26 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of Deir Estia village, northwest of Salfit. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.   
 
· Jericho: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. At approximately 06 on Friday, 26 November 2010, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance of 'Ein al-Dyouk village, north of Jericho. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles.


 
Arrests at Military Checkpoints
 
· At approximately 14:00 on =, Israeli soldiers positioned at Ertah checkpoint near Tulkarm arrested Ma'rouf Mahmoud al-Rammal, 20.
 
· On Tuesday evening, 30 November 2010, Israeli soldiers positioned at Za'tara checkpoint, south of Nablus, arrested Nour al-Din Hafez Sawafta, 30, from Tubas. 
 

4. Measures Aimed at Creating a Jewish Demographic Majority in Jerusalem
 
Israel has recently escalated arbitrary measures against Palestinian civilians in East Jerusalem in order to force them to leave the city. PCHR has devoted this section in the Weekly Report to highlighting violations of human rights perpetrated by IOF against Palestinian civilians in East Jerusalem.
 
· On Thursday morning, 25 November 2010, the Israeli Municipality of Jerusalem waged a campaign against owners of shops in Hazma village near Jerusalem. They demolished 9 shops claiming that their owners do not have licenses.
 
According to investigations conducted by PCHR, at approximately 01:30 on Thursday, IOF moved into Hazma village, east of Jerusalem. They demolished 9 shops after confiscating the majority of their contents:
1. A shop of bricks belonging to Mohammed 'Abdul Rahman 'Abdul Rahim;
2. An agricultural nursery belonging to Malek 'Abdul Karim;
3. An agricultural nursery belonging to 'Azmi al-Khatib and Samed Sabi;
4. An agricultural nursery belonging to Nader Salem and Hassan 'Abdul Latif;
5. A shop of bricks belonging to Mohammed Tafatfa;
6. A shop of furniture belonging to Riad 'Othman;
7. An agricultural nursery and a shop of bricks belonging to 'Afif Suleiman;
8. An agricultural nursery and a shop of bricks belonging to Jamal Salem; and
9. An agricultural nursery belonging to Mohammed Saladin.
 
Losses are estimated at more than 1.5 million NIS.
 
· At approximately 08:00 on Tuesday, 30 November 2010, IOF moved into al-'Eissawiya village near Jerusalem. They demolished a 120-square-meter, under-construction house belonging to 'Atiya Isma'il Mtair, claiming that it was being built without a license. According to Mtair, he had not received any demolition notice, and the issue of licensing was being considered by an Israeli court. IOF then demolished a 30-square-meter structure belonging to Mohammed Robin 'Olayan, 28, which served as a printing press.  
 
During this operation, IOF attacked Palestinian civilians who gathered in the area. Israeli soldiers fired tear gas canisters and rubber-coated metal bullets at civilians. As a result, Ghassan 'Olayan, 35, was wounded by a rubber-coated metal bullet that caused fractures to the skull and the nose. They also violently beat a number of civilians. As a result, Robin 'Olayan sustained bruises throughout the body. Additionally, 5 women suffered from tear gas inhalation.
 
· At approximately 08:00 on Wednesday, 24 November 2010, IOF moved into al-Tour neighborhood in Jerusalem. They demolished a house belonging to 'Aziz Zablah, claiming that it was built without a license. As a result, 7 individuals, including 4 children, have become homeless.
 
· During the reporting period, the organization committee in the Israeli Municipality of Jerusalem approved the construction of 130 housing unit between "Gilo" settlement and Beit Safafa village. The committee approved turning the area, which was devoted to the establishment of hotels, into a residential area. 
 
· On Wednesday, 01 December 2010, the Israeli district committee of organization and construction approved the construction of 625 housing units in "Pisgat Ze'ev" settlement, northeast of Jerusalem. It is worth noting that the Israeli occupation authorities have started to construct another 1,300 housing units in Israeli settlements in Jerusalem and 1,000 ones in settlements in the West Bank, since the end of the temporary freezing of settlement activities on 25 September 2010.




5. Settlement Activities and Attacks by Settlers against Palestinian Civilians and Property
 
Israel has continued its settlement activities in the OPT in violation of international humanitarian law, and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property.
 
· At approximately 06:30 on Thursday, 25 November 2010, IOF, accompanied by 3 bulldozers, moved into Kherbat Yazra village, east of Tubas, in the northern Jordan Valley. They closed the entrances of the village. At approximately 07:00, they demolished a 100-suqaure-meter mosque and a 20-square-meter subordinate room. Soon after, they demolished a 50-square-meter house belonging to Fayez Hamed Daraghma, in which 15 individuals, including 8 children, lived. They then demolished 10 tin-made barracks, which served as stores and barnyards:
 
1. A 120-square-meter barrack belonging to Na'im Hafez Masa'id;
2. A 60-square-meter barrack belonging to Hafez Na'im Masa'id;
3. An 80-square-meter barrack belonging to Mithqal Fayez Daraghma;
4. An 80-square-meter barrack belonging to Fawzi Mahmoud Daraghma;
5. An 80-square-meter barrack belonging to Hassan Khaled Daraghma;
6. A 75-square-meter barrack belonging to Mohammed Mahmoud Darghma;
7. A 50-square-meter barrack belonging to Mahmoud Fawzi Daraghma;
8. An 80-square-meter barrack belonging to Sami Khaled Daraghma;
9. A 70-square-meter barrack belonging to 'Omair Khaled Daraghma; and
10. A 50-square-meter barrack belonging to Khaled Mohammed Masa'id.
 
· At approximately 07:00 also on Thursday, IOF, accompanied by two bulldozers, moved into al-Dairat area to the east of Yatta village, south of Hebron. They besieged a 250-square-meter house belonging to Eyad and Mohammed Musleh al-'Omour, in which 25 individuals live. They forced its residents out and demolished it, claiming that it was built without a license. According to the two brothers, they applied for a license, but IOF refused to delay the demolition.
 
· On Thursday, 25 November 2010, IOF handed two notices to Mousa Taha and Hussein Shamsna, fom Qatna village northwest of Jerusalem, that their animal farms would be demolished.
 
· On Monday, 29 November 2010, IOF moved into al-Ma'sara village, south of Bethlehem. They handed notices to Mahmoud Ahmed Zawahra and 'Awadh Hassan Zawahra ordering the demolition of their houses; a 200-square-meter house and 230-square-meter one respectively. IOF also ordered the demolition of Ibrahim al-Khalil Mosque by 23 December 2010.



 
Recommendations to the International Community

1. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to fulfill their legal and moral obligations under Article 1 of the Convention to ensure Israel's respect for the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. PCHR believes that the conspiracy of silence practiced by the international community has encouraged Israel to act as if it is above the law and encourages Israel continue to violate international human rights and humanitarian law.
 
2. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to convene a conference to take effective steps to ensure Israel's respect of the Convention in the OPT and to provide immediate protection for Palestinian civilians.
 
3. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to comply with their legal obligations detailed in Article 146 of the Convention to search for and prosecute those responsible for grave breaches, namely war crimes.
 
4. PCHR calls for the immediate implementation of the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, which considers the construction of the Annexation Wall inside the West Bank illegal.
 
5. PCHR recommends that international civil society organizations, including human rights organizations, bar associations and NGOs, participate in the process of exposing those accused of grave breaches of international law and urge their governments to bring the perpetrators to justice.
 
6. PCHR calls upon the European Union to activate Article 2 of the Euro-Israel Association Agreement, which provides that Israel must respect human rights as a precondition for economic cooperation between the EU states and Israel. PCHR further calls upon the EU states to prohibit import of goods produced in illegal Israeli settlements in the OPT.
 
7. PCHR calls on the international community to recognize the Gaza disengagement plan, which was implemented in September 2005, for what it is - not an end to occupation but a compounding of the occupation and the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip. 
 
8. In recognition of ICRC as the guardian of the Fourth Geneva Convention, PCHR calls upon the ICRC to increase its staff and activities in the OPT, including the facilitation of family visitations to Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.
 
9. PCHR appreciates the efforts of international civil society, including human rights organizations, bar associations, unions and NGOs, and urges them to continue their role in pressuring their governments to secure Israel's respect for human rights in the OPT and to demand Israel end its attacks on Palestinian civilians.
 
10. PCHR calls upon the international community to pressure Israel to lift the severe restrictions imposed by the Israeli government and its occupation forces on access for international organizations to the OPT.
 
11. PCHR reiterates that any political settlement not based on international human rights law and humanitarian law cannot lead to a peaceful and just solution of the Palestinian question. Rather, such an arrangement can only lead to further suffering and instability in the region. Any peace process or agreement must be based on respect for international law, including international human rights and humanitarian law.

Volvo enables torture of Palestinians

David Cronin | November 26, 2010

Volvo prides itself on being a byword for sturdiness, safety and reliability. After a careful examination of the vehicle-maker's investment in Israel, perhaps it should also become synonymous with enabling torture.

The Swedish company has a direct shareholding of 26.5 percent in the Israeli company Merkavim, manufacturer of the Mars Prisoner Bus. This bus has been specifically designed for use by the Israeli Prison Authority to transport Palestinians apprehended in the occupied West Bank and Gaza to facilities within Israel's internationally-recognized borders. The remainder of Merkavim is owned by Mayer's Cars and Trucks, which doubles up as the exclusive representative of Volvo in Israel.

Evidence amassed by human rights monitors indicates that torture is widespread within Israeli detention centers. Although the country's high court ruled in 1999 that some interrogation methods should be outlawed, Israel continues to approve torture in cases where it is deemed "necessary," Amnesty International has found. An important loophole in the court's ruling indicated that torture is permissible in cases where Israeli security forces face an imminent threat. Israel's attorney general has been all-too-willing to invoke that loophole in order to approve the use of torture, despite how Israel has ratified the United Nations Convention Against Torture.

Each year Israel locks up an average of 700 Palestinian children, often for offenses no more serious than throwing stones. The organization Defence for Children International-Palestine Section (DCI-PS) says that ill-treatment is common while detainees are being transported to prison. "All are subjected to verbal threats and insults," Rifat Kassis, director of DCI-PS's office in the West Bank city of Ramallah, said. "Some are beaten up, kicked, made to sit in an uncomfortable way. We have children who are handcuffed and blindfolded as well. All of these are methods of restraining children in a painful way."

During September, three children were reportedly given electric shocks by Israeli interrogators in the Jewish-only settlement of Ariel in the West Bank. One of the children was only 14 years of age. A recent investigation by DCI-PS and other anti-torture groups found that out of a sample of 100 children arrested by Israeli forces last year, 69 percent were beaten and kicked and 12 percent threatened with rape or another form of sexual assault.

Kassis also said that by bringing detainees from the occupied West Bank into Israel, the Merkavim buses are facilitating violations of international humanitarian law. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, persons convicted for offenses in an occupied territory may only be jailed within that territory.

A representative of Merkavim told me that the company does "not wish to speak to journalists." According to its website, the Mars Prisoner Bus is "the perfect solution for conveying prisoners under guard." Containing six separate compartments, the bus allows for "full surveillance during the sensitive, high-risk drive from one secured facility to another." Among its features are wide windows "fitted with armored glass to prevent breakouts" and "an advanced intercom system and closed-circuit TV."

Per-Martin Johansson, a spokesman for Volvo Buses, said that the Swedish corporation "can't control" what affiliated companies do. "Vehicles to transport prisoners can be found in every country all over the world," he added. "These buses are not special for Israel. They need them in every country to make sure prisoners are not escaping."

Johansson's statement contrasts with the high ethical standards to which Volvo is nominally committed. In 2003 Volvo's board of directors rubber-stamped a "code of conduct" for the company. It says that the company supports "internationally proclaimed human rights and ensures that it is not complicit in human rights abuses."

Despite that code, Volvo has faced numerous accusations that its products are being used as tools of Israeli oppression. In April this year Israeli forces were photographed operating Volvo bulldozers in the Palestinian village of al-Walaja. The forces were carrying out work related to the massive wall that Israel has continued to build on occupied land in the West Bank, despite a 2004 opinion issued by the International Court of Justice declaring the project illegal. The use of Volvo bulldozers in the destruction of Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem and in the wider West Bank has similarly been documented, with the work of Adri Nieuwhof, a contributor to The Electronic Intifada, proving valuable in highlighting how Volvo profits from the occupation.

Along with its prisoner bus, Merkavim also produces the Mars Defender Bus. The Israeli public transport company Egged runs a fleet of the latter vehicles in the services it provides to Israeli settlements in the West Bank. Like the prisoner bus, the Mars Defender contains a Volvo-made chassis.

Mauricio Lazala, a researcher with the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre in London, said that major companies like Volvo should study the impact of their corporate activities. "This is especially important in conflict areas," he added. "In conflict areas, abuses can have very ugly manifestations. Therefore, companies should be doubly careful."

At a session held in London this month, the Russell Tribunal on Palestine -- an investigative body inspired by the late British intellectual and anti-war campaigner Bertrand Russell -- concluded that a number of private corporations "play a very decisive role" in enabling Israel to commit crimes against humanity.

Although Volvo was not one of the companies identified by the tribunal, it is facilitating some of the offenses deemed "reprehensible" by this body. These included the provision of services to Israeli settlements and assistance to the construction of the "apartheid wall" in the West Bank. A statement issued by the tribunal noted that corporations complicit in Israeli violations of human rights have placed themselves "on the wrong side of international opinion, morality and law." As a result, they are "undermining the very integrity and credibility of international law and the institutions that underpin it," added the statement, which was endorsed by former South African government minister Ronnie Kasrils, veteran French diplomat Stephane Hassel, Irish Nobel Peace Prize winner Mairead Corrigan Maguire and ex-US Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney.

Frank Barat, the tribunal's coordinator, said that while it can be legally difficult to prosecute such companies, public campaigns can pressure them into changing their behavior. "What people can do is push their governments to divest from those companies," he said. "If a company is helping to build the wall [in the West Bank] it is helping an illegal act, so it should be sanctioned."

Volvo's attempts to justify its investments in Israel are disingenuous. The corporation cannot claim that the activities of a subsidiary have nothing to do with its headquarters in Gothenburg or that Merkavim's buses are no different from other prison buses found around the world. It is abundantly clear that these vehicles are tailored especially to meet the sadistic "needs" of the Israeli occupation; indeed, that is their selling point.

Supplying Israel’s prison services is not analogous to aiding the prison services of any other country. Israel deliberately uses mass imprisonment and torture to deny Palestinians the right to resist their occupation. Addameer, a prisoner’s support group, has documented how 650,000 Palestinians – one-fifth of the population living in the occupied territories – have been incarcerated since 1967.

Whatever Volvo may say, the truth is that it has become a subcontractor for the Israeli occupation. Drivers in Europe and America might feel secure as they slide into the well-upholstered seat of a car made by Volvo. In Palestine, the same company is facilitating the torture of children.

Israël gaat deportatiekamp bouwen voor Afrikaanse illegalen

"Goyim [niet-joden] zijn alleen geboren om ons te dienen. Los daarvan, hebben zij geen plaats in deze wereld; alleen om het volk van Israël te dienen." --Rabbijn Ovadia Yosef, de geestelijk leider van de Shas partij (11 zetels), 11 oktober 2010 2010

Israël gaat een groot deportatiekamp bouwen in de Negev-woestijn voor duizenden Afrikaanse illegalen die het wil uitzetten. Maar niet voor de duizenden Thaise, Chinese en Filippijnse illegalen, die al jarenlang worden uitgebuit door Israëlische boeren. Waarom zou dat zijn? Vanwege de huidskleur? Misschien willen de Afrikanen geen methamfetamine gebruiken om harder en langer te kunnen werken?

De NRC is de enige Nederlandse krant die erover bericht - maar het woord "kamp", en dat het gaat om Afrikanen, wordt in tegenstelling tot de buitenlandse mainstream pers verzwegen. NRC meldt dat "duizenden illegale migranten ... zullen worden gehuisvest in de zuidelijke Negev-woestijn." Gehuisvest?

» Thaise gastarbeiders in Israël systematisch uitgebuit

» Exploited Thais in no man's land
As Israeli rockets whizzed overhead bombarding Gaza, migrant labourers were ordered to work on while their employer took his dogs to safety.

» Netanyahu: Illegal African immigrants - a threat to Israel's Jewish character

A group of children of foreign workers that could be deported from Israel by a decision of the Israeli governament. People took the streets of Tel Aviv to protest against this possibility. August 14 2010

Israel to expel 400 migrant workers’ kids
Monday, August 2, 2010 LOS ANGELES TIMES

JERUSALEM — Israel moved Sunday to deport the offspring of hundreds of migrant workers, mostly small children who were born in Israel, speak Hebrew and have never seen their parents’ native countries.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the new policy was intended to stem a flood of illegal aliens, whose children receive state-funded education and health care benefits, and to defend Israel’s Jewish identity.

CIDI-leugens en hypocrisie voor Rosenthal

Eergisteren stuurde het CIDI een brief aan aan minister Uri Rosenthal met het verzoek zich krachtig uit te spreken tegen de Iraanse minister van Buitenlandse Zaken Manouchehr Mottaki, die deelneemt aan de 14th Conference of the States Parties to the Chemical Weapons Convention in Den Haag. Israël is daar vreemd genoeg - toevallig samen met een andere schurkenstaat, Myanmar (Birma) - aanwezig als "observer". In tegenstelling tot Iran heeft Israël het verdrag om chemische wapens uit te bannen wel getekend maar weigert het te ratificeren. Tijdens de laatste grote aanval op Gaza is weer gebleken waarom: Israël gebruikte o.a. (witte) fosforbommen op dichtbevolkte gebieden - een oorlogsmisdaad die het CIDI net zo prima in orde vond als dat Israël dat deed.

"gedreigd"
Volgens het CIDI heeft Mottaki twee jaar geleden gedreigd "dat het zionistische regime gedoemd is vernietigd te worden". Dat is 100% uit de duim gezogen. Mottaki herhaalde twee jaar geleden een uitspraak van Khomeini: "Als elke moslim een emmer water over Israël zou gooien, zou het wegspoelen." Wow. En dat "het zionistische regime" van binnenuit zou desintegreren. Maar zelfs wanneer Mottaki zou hebben gesteld dat Israël 'tot iets gedoemd' zou zijn is er in wezen geen enkele sprake van een bedreiging. Daarnaast heeft Iran nog nooit een ander land aangevallen. In tegenstelling tot Israël.
De hypocrisie van het CIDI in deze is natuurlijk dat Israël, nota bene de enige (en illegale) kernwapenmacht in het Midden-Oosten, de laatste jaren Iran doorlopend bedreigt met bombardementen. Nog nooit heeft het CIDI dat veroordeeld.

"ontkenning van de holocaust"
Waar zou het CIDI zijn zonder de Tweede Wereldoorlog om de misdaden van Israël te verdedigen en te promoten? Het gaat hier dus weer om "de ontkenning van de Holocaust", in deze van Mottaki. Specifieker gaat het om de twijfel van president Ahmedinejad over de juiste getallen zoals gehanteerd voor de holocaust, en Mottaki heeft in 2006 op een Iraanse 'holocaust-conferentie' verdedigd dat Iran de holocaust niet ontkent, maar er iedereen, in tegenstelling tot in Europa, wel een mening over gunt. En dat is exact dezelfde opstelling als die van de VS (maar bijvoorbeeld ook die van Groot-Brittannië), die Artikel 1 van hun Grondwet trouw wil blijven. In de VS zijn neonazi-groeperingen dan ook legaal, en worden hun manifestaties door de overheid beschermd. Hier dus ook weer hypocrisie van het CIDI, die de VS hier nimmer over heeft bekritiseerd.

"de ontwikkeling van het kernwapen"
Ontwikkelt Iran "het" kernwapen? Nee. Bestaat "de ontwikkeling van het Iraanse atoomwapen", aldus het CIDI? Nee. Heeft Iran het recht om kernenergie te ontwikkelen? Ja. Heeft Iran het anti-proliferatieverdrag ondertekend? Ja. En Israël? Nee. Heeft Israël kernwapens? Ja. Heeft het CIDI dat wel eens bekritiseerd? Nee.

Gaza 2008

"Herhaaldelijk is Iran ervan beschuldigd voorraden van chemische wapens te hebben die blaren veroorzaken en bloed vergiftigen. Mogelijk zijn er ook zenuwgassen in het land opgeslagen."
Heeft Iran chemische wapens? Nooit bewezen. Het CIDI beroept zich op een rapport van de VS in opgesteld in 2003, waarin het stelde dat Iran "likely has already stockpiled blister, blood choking, and probably nerve agents." In de jaren daarna volgde Amerikaanse rapporten die stelden dat de betreffende chemicaliën uitsluitend werden gebruikt voor burgerlijke en commerciële doeleinden, die het CIDI blijkbaar negeert.
Heeft Israël chemische wapens? Bewezen, aangezien Israël ze ook daadwerkelijk gebruikt. Hier meer informatie. Maar het CIDI meldt geenzins dat Israël daarom 'niet thuishoort' op de betreffende conferentie in Den Haag.

Last but not least: "Mottaki heeft jarenlang mede vorm gegeven aan grove schendingen van de mensenrechten"
Weet het CIDI niet meer hoeveel en hoe vaak Israël de mensenrechten schendt? Feit is: elke dag, elk uur, elke minuut en elke seconde, decennialang, en op grote schaal. Israël schendt daarnaast meer VN-resoluties dan alle landen van de wereld bij elkaar. En nog geen week geleden nodigde het CIDI een mensenrechtenschender uit in Nederland, de "burgemeester" Avi Naim van de illegale nederzetting Beit Aryeh-Ofrim op de Westelijke Jordaanover. Dit nadat de Vereniging van Nederlandse Gemeenten (VNG) terecht had besloten om geen criminelen, in deze de "burgemeesters" van nederzettingen op de Westoever en de Golanhoogten, te fêteren.

"Dexia medeplichtig aan mensenrechtenschendingen"

Het Russell Tribunal on Palestine in Londen oordeelde dit weekend dat Dexia samen met tal van andere grote bedrijven medeplichtig is aan de schendingen van het internationaal recht die Israël begaat door de bezetting van de Westelijke Jordaanoever.

Van 20 tot 23 november vond in Londen de tweede editie van het Russell Tribunal on Palestine (RToP) plaats. Het Tribunaal wou nagaan in hoeverre bedrijven medeplichtig zijn aan mensenrechtenschendingen van Israël, oorlogsmisdaden en schendingen van het humanitair recht.

Eén van de bedrijven die onder de loep werd genomen, was Dexia. Dexia financiert illegale Israëlische kolonies op de Westelijke Jordaanoever, Palestijns grondgebied. De bank beschikt over drie vierde van de aandelen van Dexia Israël. Deze dochteronderneming financiert lokale structuren met inbegrip van de nederzettingen. De voorbije tien jaar heeft Dexia niets ondernomen tegen de investeringen van hun dochterbedrijf. Zevenenvijftig kolonies ontvangen hulp van de Dexia Groep.



Tijdens het Tribunaal kwam duidelijk naar voren dat Dexia medeplichtig is aan schendingen van het internationaal recht door Israël. “Wat meteen opviel met betrekking tot Dexia was dat de juryleden het bedrijf een ernstige vorm van medeplichtigheid toeschreven. Financiering is immers een rechtstreeks instrument om de kolonistatie in stand te houden. Het is een vorm van medeplichtigheid die niet-toelaatbaar is,” zegt Eva Brems, federaal volksvertegenwoordiger van Groen! die in Londen deelnam aan het Tribunaal.

De jury van het Tribunaal heeft actiegroepen opgeroepen om naast boycots ook het recht als actiemiddel te gebruiken. Als een rechtbank mensenrechtenschendingen vaststelt, kunnen internationale bedrijven gedagvaard worden. Het is wel beter andere middelen uit te putten alvorens naar de rechtbank te stappen.

Brems legt een grote verantwoordelijkheid bij de regering. “De overheden in ons land zijn immers aandeelhouder van Dexia. Eigenlijk heb je via het parlement en de gemeenteraden de mogelijkheid om bedrijven op andere gedachten te brengen. Zeker in het geval van Dexia is de verantwoordelijkheid van de overheid groot.”
Overheden zijn dus aansprakelijk, ook al is Dexia een private onderneming. Mario Franssen, medewerker van de ngo Intal, stelt dat de Belgische en Franse overheidsapparaten goed zijn voor 49,5% van de aandelen van de Dexia Groep.

Dehaene versus Van Agt

Oud-premier Jean-Luc Dehaene is de voorzitter van Dexia. Dehaene kwam daardoor op het Tribunaal lijnrecht te staan tegenover zijn Nederlandse christendemocratische tegenhanger Dries van Agt. Die was tussen 1977 en 1982 premier van Nederland, maar ontpopte zich later tot een hevig voorvechter van de rechten van de Palestijnen. Hij verleende ook zijn steun aan het Tribunaal.
Tijdens het Tribunaal kregen ook andere multinationals een veeg uit de pan. Zo bevoorraadt de bewakingsfirma G4S – in ons land marktleider – de Israëlische checkpoints op de Westelijke Jordaanoever.

Het Tribunaal is ook een laboratorium voor nieuwe acties tegen de bezetting van Palestina. Er werden contacten gelegd en nieuwe campagnes voorbereid. “Het was een echte broedvijver van ideeën”, zegt Brems.

Jurylid van het tribunaal, Michael Mansfield die op maandag 22 november de pers te woord stond, roept de civiele maatschappij op tot sensibilisering en mobilisering. Op die manier kan men bewustwording creëren bij het brede publiek.
Ronnie Kasrils, een veteraan van de strijd tegen de Zuid-Afrikaanse apartheid, wees op het belang van een boycotcampagne.

Het tribunaal ontleent zijn naam aan Bertrand Russell, initiatiefnemer van het 'International War Crimes Tribunal' dat opgezet werd in 1966 om de schendingen van het internationaal recht te onderzoeken tijdens de Vietnamoorlog. Het Russell Tribunal on Palestine (RToP) zoekt een oplossing voor het conflict tussen Israël en Palestina.

De jury van het Tribunaal bestaat uit mensenrechtenactivisten en oud-politici. Naast Dries van Agt steunen ook onder meer de voormalige secretaris-generaal van de VN Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Noam Chomsky en de filmmakers Mike Leigh en Ken Loach het Tribunaal.

» Slotverklaring van het Tribunaal

(DeWereldMorgen.be)

Israël veegt Bedoeïenendorp voor zevende keer van de kaart

BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) -- Israeli government bulldozers raised the Bedouin town of Al-Arakib, in the Negev desert, for the 7th time in three months on Monday.

Local sources said Israeli police raided houses in the village, emptying them of residents' possessions, before demolishing the structures.

The Israeli news site Ynet reported that Israel Land Administration representatives and the security forces participated in the demolition.

Al-Arakib is one of 45 so-called unrecognized Bedouin villages in southern Israel, which have a combined population of 76,000.

These communities, some of which have existed since before the establishment of the state in 1948, receive no water, electricity, or other government services.

Israeli authorities first razed Al-Arakib in late June, returning six more times to destroy the town after residents rebuilt their homes.

Lees ook:
» Al-Arakib is al vijf keer van de kaart geveegd
» The “Summer Camp Of Destruction”: Israeli High Schoolers Assist The Razing Of A Bedouin Town

Foto's: Al-Arakib augustus 2010

Moments before the destruction of the Bedouin village of al-Arakib, Israeli high school age police volunteers lounge on furniture taken from a family's home.

Israeli police youth volunteers pick through the belongings an al-Arakib family

After the youth clear out the homes, the police move in...

...and the destruction begins

(bron: Max Blumenthal)

Negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians: Allowing the thief to negotiate with his victim

SpinWatch | By David Morrison | 3rd November 2010

The negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians are equivalent to allowing a thief to negotiate with his victim about the amount of stolen goods he is going to give back, while he keeps his boot on the victim's throat.

Direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians began in early September. President Abbas was opposed to direct negotiations without Israel calling a halt to settlement construction in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.But, he came under great pressure from President Obama to do so and reluctantly gave in.

The Road Map

In May 2003, Israel agreed to freeze all settlement activity prior to the start of negotiations, when it accepted the Road Map (aka "a performance-based roadmap to a permanent two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict") [1].

Drawn up by the Bush Administration, it is the internationally accepted framework for negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 1515 [2]. The EU and the Quartet (the US, the EU, Russia and the UN Secretary-General) have regularly called upon both sides to fulfil their obligations under the Road Map (see, for example, a recent Quartet statement of 21 September 2010 [3]).

One of Israel's obligations is that, prior to the start of negotiations:

"Consistent with the Mitchell Report, GOI [Government of Israel] freezes all settlement activity (including natural growth of settlements)"

Another obligation was to dismantle all the settlement outposts built after March 2001.

The Israeli government attached reservations to its acceptance of the Road Map, but none of them objected to the obligation to freeze settlement construction [4]. The Palestinians accepted the Road Map without reservations.

The Israeli government has reiterated its commitment to the Road Map on several occasions, for example, at the Annapolis conference held in November 2007, when, in a joint memorandum with President Abbas, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert repeated Israel's commitment [5]. However, Israel continued settlement activity while the negotiations following the conference went on.

Obama backs down

So, Mahmoud Abbas was entirely justified in resisting direct negotiations while settlement building continued.Israel's 10-month "moratorium" on settlement building was never a complete freeze, and anyway it didn't apply to East Jerusalem, so it didn't meet the Road Map requirement. And settlement outposts haven't been removed. At the time of writing, the "moratorium" has expired – and Abbas may pull out of direct negotiations.

A year ago, Obama was on Abbas's side in insisting on a freeze on the Jewish colonisation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, prior to the start of negotiations.In his speech in Cairo on 4 June 2009, he declared:

"The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements [eg the Road Map] and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop." [6]

However, a few months later, in the face of opposition from Prime Minister Netanyahu, he backed down ignominiously. Violating previous agreements and undermining efforts to achieve peace is apparently OK, as long as it is Israel that is doing it.

(It is difficult to believe that he would be as forgiving of Palestinian action that he deemed to be in violation of previous agreements and to undermine efforts to achieve peace. In the same Cairo speech, he insisted that in order "to play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations" Hamas had to "recognize past agreements". He has yet to lift this requirement on Hamas.)

So, having given up trying to persuade the stronger party to stick to past agreements, Obama has been putting ever increasing pressure on the weaker party to enter into direct negotiations while the stronger party continues to be in breach of past agreements – and in early September, with great reluctance, Abbas conceded.

The only reason anybody can think of for this disgraceful bullying of Abbas by Obama is that he wanted a foreign policy "success" before the US mid-term elections.

Mitchell reports

A report published on 30 April 2001 stated:

"Palestinians are genuinely angry at the continued growth of settlements and at their daily experiences of humiliation and disruption as a result of Israel's presence in the Palestinian territories. Palestinians see settlers and settlements in their midst not only as violating the spirit of the Oslo process, but also as an application of force in the form of Israel's overwhelming military superiority, which sustains and protects the settlements." [7]

The chairman of the fact finding mission that drew up this report was George Mitchell, now Obama's Special Envoy for Middle East Peace.Mitchell went on to recommend, inter alia, that, in order to build confidence prior to a resumption of negotiations:

"The GOI [Government of Israel] should freeze all settlement activity, including the ‘natural growth' of existing settlements."

which, as we have seen, was replicated in the Road Map two years later.

One wonders how Mitchell feels now that he has been party to pressuring the Palestinians into direct negotiations with Israel without his proposal from 10 years ago being implemented, particularly since, in the interim, Palestinians have had to endure a rapidly growing number of settlers in their midst.

The Kuwait example

The negotiations are supposed to be about ending Israel's military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, which began in June 1967.The Quartet statement of 21 September stated that "negotiations should lead to an agreement that ends the occupation that began in 1967 and results in the emergence of an independent, democratic, contiguous and viable Palestinian State" [3].

The proper international response to Israel's acquisition of these (and other) territories by force in 1967 should have been to apply what ever pressure was necessary to force Israel to withdraw.The Security Council should have told Israel to leave and, if it didn't, economic sanctions should have been applied to make it leave.If that didn't work, it should have been made to leave by the application of armed force.That's what was done to Iraq when it invaded Kuwait in 1990, and should have been done to Israel in 1967.

But, Israel was not forced to leave.Instead, today, the Israeli occupier is being allowed to negotiate with the people under its occupation about how much, if any, of the territory it acquired by armed force 43 years ago it will give up, and when it will give it up.In these negotiations, Israel holds all the cards, since it dominates the occupied territories, militarily and economically, and is therefore in a position to dictate terms.And, if the Palestinians refuse to agree to those terms, they will continue to be occupied sine die.

These negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians are equivalent to allowing a thief to negotiate with his victim about the amount of stolen goods he is going to give back, while he keeps his boot on the victim's throat.

The US has made it clear that it isn't going to help the victim recover the stolen goods, Obama said at the outset the US "cannot impose a solution" [8].He meant "will not".This statement is a green light to Netanyahu to set terms which Abbas cannot accept, in the full knowledge that Obama isn't going to make his life difficult if he does.On present form, Obama is much more likely to make life difficult for Abbas if he refuses to accept Netanyahu's terms.

The US could impose a solution – all it has to do is to cut off, or threaten to cut off, some or all of the US tax dollars that Israel receives annually (around $2.5 billion in 2007 [9]) and/or to make it clear that the US is no longer prepared to protect Israel from criticism, or worse, in international fora, in particular, that the US veto might not always be exercised to protect Israel in the Security Council.

Relentless settlement building

Meanwhile, Israel continues to expand Jewish settlements on the West Bank and East Jerusalem, on the territory that is meant to belong to a Palestinian state at the end of the negotiations.B'Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, recently published a report on Israel's settlement policy in the West Bank [10].The report begins:

"Some half a million Israelis are now living over the Green Line [the 1967 border] : more than 300,000 in 121 settlements and about one hundred outposts, which control 42 percent of the land area of the West Bank, and the rest in twelve neighborhoods that Israel established on land it annexed to the Jerusalem Municipality."

The Jewish state was assigned 56% of mandate Palestine by UN General Assembly in November 1947.It was expanded by force to 78% in 1947/48, and 750,000 Arabs were expelled into the rest of Palestine and the surrounding Arab states, where they and their descendants live today.That is how a viable Jewish state was established in Palestine in 1948.

In 1967, Israel occupied the remaining 22% and has set about colonising the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, thereby staking a claim to even more territory.

In 1988, the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) recognised Israel's right to exist within its 1967 borders and adopted the objective of establishing an independent Palestinian state in the remaining 22% of mandate Palestine. This "historic compromise" led to the Oslo agreement in August 1993 and to a series of negotiations under that agreement, culminating in the unsuccessful Camp David talks in July 2000.

Throughout the Oslo process, and subsequently, Israel has continued relentlessly to confiscate Palestinian land and to plant Jewish settlers on it.In 1988, there were about 60,000 settlers in the West Bank and about 120,000 in East Jerusalem (see B'Tselem report [10], p 9/10).Today, those numbers have increased to around 300,000 and 200,000 respectively.The total today at 500,000 is nearly triple what it was in 1988, when the PLO formally settled for a state in 22% of mandate Palestine.

It cannot be coincidental that when Palestinians expressed their willingness to accept a state in 22% of mandate Palestine, Israel accelerated settlement building to make it ever more difficult, if not possible, for them to reach that objective.The territory which is supposed to belong one day to a Palestinian state is being steadily eaten into by Jewish colonisation.

Michael Tarazy, a legal advisor to the PLO, once said: "It's like you and I are negotiating over a piece of pizza. How much of the pizza do I get? And how much do you get? And while we are negotiating it, you are eating it".

Contrary to 4^th Geneva Convention

All of Israel's settlement building is contrary to international law, because it involves the transfer of Israeli civilians into territory occupied by Israel.This is forbidden under Article 49, paragraph 6, of the 4th Geneva Convention, which states:

"The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies."[11]

The United Nations Security Council has made this clear in resolutions 446, 452 and 465, all of which demand that Israel cease settlement building and remove existing settlements.For example, in resolution 446, passed on 22 March 1979, the Security Council states that

"the policy and practices of Israel in establishing settlements in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967 have no legal validity and constitute a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East"

and calls upon Israel

"to desist from taking any action which would result in changing the legal status and geographical nature and materially affecting the demographic composition of the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, and, in particular, not to transfer parts of its own civilian population into the occupied Arab territories" [12].

UN General Assembly

Every year, the UN General Assembly passes a series of resolutions on Israel/Palestine including one demanding that settlement building cease and existing settlements be removed, most recently resolution 64/93 passed on 10 December 2009.This reiterates the General Assembly's demand

"for the immediate and complete cessation of all Israeli settlement activities in all of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and in the occupied Syrian Golan, and calls in this regard for the full implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolution 465 (1980)" [13]

This resolution was passed overwhelmingly (as it is every year), this year by 171 votes to 7.EU states voted for the resolution.The only opponents apart from Israel and the US were Panama and four tiny Pacific states – Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru and Palau – which are US clients.

On this matter, and others concerning Israel/Palestine, Israel and the US have very few friends in the world.

The International Court of Justice

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has also declared, in its Advisory Opinion on the construction of the Wall [14](paragraph 120), that "Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (including East Jerusalem) have been established in breach of international law", contrary to Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

International Criminal Court

Under the Rome Statute of International Criminal Court (ICC), the colonisation of occupied territory is a war crime. Article 8.2(b)(viii) of the Statute defines "the transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies" as a war crime [15].

Since there is no doubt that such transfers have taken place, there is a prima facie case that the many Israeli citizens responsible for these transfers have committed war crimes.However, like the US and other states, for example, Sudan, Israel has not signed up to the ICC and accepted its jurisdiction, so there is no prospect of the ICC prosecuting these Israelis.

Theoretically, the Security Council could refer the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories to the ICC (as it did the situation in Darfur in March 2005, which led to the indictment of President Bashir of Sudan and others by the ICC).Then, the ICC could prosecute Israelis for settlement building carried out since 1 July 2002, when the Rome Statute came into force.Needless to say, it is certain that the US would wield its veto on the Security Council to prevent this happening.

(Speaking of the ICC, it is possible that Israelis could be brought before the ICC for the attack on the Mavi Marmara, which although a Turkish-owned ship was registered in, and flew the flag of, the Comoros.Legally speaking, therefore, the attack took place on the territory of Comoros, which is a party to the ICC.The ICC therefore has jurisdiction over the ship at the time of the attack.This was confirmed [16] by Desmond de Silva, a British judge, who was a member of the UN Human Rights Council Fact-Finding Mission into the incident.The mission reported on 22 September 2010 [17].

It appears that the Turkish NGO, IHH, that owned the ship deliberately chose to register it in the Comoros, because the Comoros was a party to the ICC, unlike Turkey.)

What freeze?

At the time of writing, the question dominating media attention is: will Israel renew its "moratorium" on settlement building and save the negotiations?

One question that is worthy of media attention, but is receiving very little, is: what effect did the "moratorium" have on settlement building while it was in operation?The answer is very little.

Here's how Dror Etkes described its effect in a Ha'aretz article [18] entitled Settlement freeze? It was barely a slowdown:

"The official statistics supplied by the Central Bureau of Statistics describe the story behind the 10-month construction moratorium in the West Bank. The story can be called many things but ‘freeze' is certainly not one of them. What took place in the past few months is, in the best case scenario, not more than a negligible decrease in the number of housing units that were built in settlements.

"The data that appeared in the bureau's tables clearly show that. At the end of 2009, the number of housing units that were actively being built on all the settlements together amounted to 2,955. Three months later, at the end of March 2010, the number stood at 2,517. We are therefore talking about a drop of a little more than 400 housing units - some 16 percent of Israeli construction in the West Bank over that period.…

"The real story behind the PR stunt known as the freeze took place in fact in the months prior to that, during which the settlers, with the assistance of the government, prepared well for the months of hibernation foisted upon them. In the half year that preceded the declaration of the freeze, which started at the end of November 2009, dozens of new building sites sprang up, especially in isolated and more extreme settlements east of the fence.

"This piece of information is also well documented in the bureau's numbers. In the first half of 2009, they started to build 669 housing units in the settlements, and then, as the months wore on, the pace of construction increased. Thus in the second half of 2009, no fewer than 1,204 housing units were built - an increase of some 90 percent in construction starts as compared with the first half of the year. …

"If we add to these statistics the fact that the government announced in advance that it planned to approve, in any circumstances and with no connection to the ‘freeze', the construction of 600 housing units in various settlements, and the chaos and anarchy that exists in some settlements and outposts, making it possible for every person to build where and when he feels like it, we shall get quite a good picture of what really happened to the settlements in the past few months."

A real freeze (and demolitions)

By contrast, Palestinian building is severely restricted by Israel in large areas of the West Bank, and has been restricted since Israeli occupation began in 1967.This is graphically described in a fact sheet published in August 2010 [19] by the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) on life for the approximately 150,000 Palestinians living in Area C of the West Bank.

As part of the Oslo process, the West Bank was divided into three zones, referred to as Areas A, B and C, A controlled by the Palestinian Authority (PA), B under joint PA and Israeli control and C wholly under Israeli control.Areas A and B consist of a series of small islands within Area C, which comprises approximately 62% of the West Bank.There, the Israeli Civil Administration (ICA) is in charge of building and planning.

On this, the OCHA fact sheet comments:

"Difficulties in obtaining building permits from the ICA for construction and/or rehabilitation of buildings, prevents the construction of housing to meet natural population growth. In addition, the inability to build or rehabilitate schools and health clinics significantly impedes the adequate provision of basic services. In some cases, permit applications of a high technical standard for funded projects have been pending for years. The ability to rehabilitate rainwater harvesting cisterns and the weatherproofing of dwellings, and even their replacement by portable tents, is prohibited by the ICA.

"Due to the restrictive planning and zoning regulations in practice, the Israeli authorities generally allow Palestinian construction only within the boundaries of ICA-approved municipal plans. These cover less than one percent of Area C, and much of this one percent is already built-up. As a result, Palestinians needing to build in Area C are left with no alternative than to build without a permit and risk demolition of their structure."

And demolitions are common.

Right next to the Palestinians living under these severe building restrictions imposed by Israel are the Jewish-only settlements, which are all in Area C.There, even temporary restrictions on building are fiercely resisted by Israel.It is unthinkable, it is said, that homes cannot be extended to cater for growing families, or that schools and health clinics cannot be built or rehabilitated.

But not if the homes and schools and health centres are for Palestinians.

References:
[1]unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/0/6129b9c832fe59ab85256d43004d87fa
[2] unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/d744b47860e5c97e85256c40005d01d6/71b2c135fca9d78a85256de400530107
[3]www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2010/sg2162.doc.htm
[4]www.knesset.gov.il/process/docs/roadmap_response_eng.htm
[5]georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2007/11/20071127.html
[6]www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-by-the-President-at-Cairo-University-6-04-09/
[7]unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/9a798adbf322aff38525617b006d88d7/6e61d52eaacb860285256d2800734e9a
[8]www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2010/09/01/remarks-president-rose-garden-after-bilateral-meetings

[9]assets.opencrs.com/rpts/RL33222_20080102.pdf
[10]www.btselem.org/Download/201007_By_Hook_and_by_Crook_Eng.pdf
[11]www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/WebART/380-600056
[12]unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/d744b47860e5c97e85256c40005d01d6/ba123cded3ea84a5852560e50077c2dc
[13]unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/a06f2943c226015c85256c40005d359c/b47fb4cb4b13f63b852576b7005b84a4
[14]www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf
[15]www.icc-cpi.int/NR/rdonlyres/EA9AEFF7-5752-4F84-BE94-0A655EB30E16/0/Rome_Statute_English.pdf
[16]www.msnbc.msn.com/id/39402183/ns/world_news-mideastn_africa
[17]www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/15session/A.HRC.15.21_en.pdf
[18]www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/settlement-freeze-it-was-barely-a-slowdown-1.316074
[19]www.ochaopt.org/documents/ocha_opt_area_c_humanitarian_response_plan_fact_sheet_2010_09_03_
english.pdf

More of David Morrison's writing is available on his website