31 December 2010

DNA-onderzoek wijzigt joodse geschiedenis

Volgens Jits van Straten is 'Jood' als etnische aanduiding een mythe

Het leek duidelijk. De Romeinen verdreven de joden uit Palestina, waarna de diaspora begon. Maar volgens historisch onderzoek stammen hedendaagse joden vooral af van bekeerlingen. Die conclusie trekt op zijn manier ook microbioloog Jits van Straten.

Lees artikel in Trouw

Relevante links:

Gilad Atzmon: The Wandering Who?
Electronic Intifada: Book review: Shlomo Sand's "The Invention of the Jewish People"
Aaron Leonard (NYU): The new history of the origins of the Jews (interview)
Mondoweiss: Shlomo Sand’s ‘The Invention of the Jewish People,’ reviewed by Jack Ross
Mondoweiss: At NYU, devilish Shlomo Sand predicts the Jewish past and pastes the Zionists
Tablet Magazine: Inventing Israel
Dissident Voice: Is it Anti-Semitic to Defend Palestinian Human Rights?
Haaretz: Shattering a 'national mythology'

"The Darkness to Expel!"

It is easy to despair before the filthy wave of racism that is engulfing us

Gush Shalom | By Uri Avnery | 25/12/10


The remedy for this despair: the growing number of young people, sons and daughters of the new Israeli generation, who are joining the fight against racism and occupation.

This week, several hundred of them gathered in a hall in Tel Aviv (belonging, ironically, to the Zionist Federation of America) to launch a book published by the group “Breaking the Silence”.

In the hall there were some veterans of the peace camp, but the great majority of those present were youngsters in their twenties, male and female, who have completed their military service.
“The Occupation of the Territories” is a book of 344 pages, consisting of almost 200 testimonies by soldiers about the daily and nightly life of the occupation. The soldiers supplied the eyewitness accounts, and the organization, which is composed of ex-soldiers, verified, compared and sifted them. In the end, 183 of some 700 testimonies were selected for publication.

Not even one of these testimonies was denied by the army spokesman, who generally hastens to contradict honest accounts of what is happening in the occupied territories. Since the editors of the book have themselves served as soldiers in these places, it was easy for them to distinguish between truth and falsehood.

Israeli right wing activists demonstrate in Bat Yam near Tel Aviv, Israel, Monday, Dec. 20, 2010. Scores of local Bat Yam residents and right wing activists demonstrated Monday against selling or renting property to non-Jews, following a recent a religious ruling by several dozen of Israel's top rabbis barring Jews from selling or renting homes to non-Jews - testifying to a growing radicalism within the rabbinical community at a time when frictions between Israeli Arabs and Jews are mounting. Hebrew on signs reads: "Jewish girls belong to the Jewish People", on T-shirts: " Jews, lets win".

The book makes very depressing reading, and not because it details gruesome atrocities. On the contrary, the editors made it a point not to include incidents of exceptional brutality committed by sadists, which can be found in every army unit in Israel and throughout the world. Rather, they wanted to throw light on the grey routine of the occupation.

There are accounts of nocturnal incursions into quiet Palestinian villages as exercises – breaking into random houses where there were no “suspects”, terrorizing children, women and men, creating mayhem in the village – all this to “train” the soldiers. There are stories about the humiliation of passers-by at the checkpoints (“Clean up the checkpoint and you will get your keys back!”), casual harassment (“He started to complain, so I hit him in the face with the butt of my weapon!”). Every testimony is meticulously documented: time, place, unit.

At the launch of the book, some of the testimonies were shown on film, with the witnesses daring to show their faces and identify themselves by their full name. These were no exceptional people, no fanatics or bleeding hearts. No weepers of the “we shoot and we weep” school. Just ordinary young people, who had time to come to grips with their personal experiences.

There are even occasional flashes of humor. Like the tale of the soldier who had for a long time been manning a roadblock between two Palestinian villages, without understanding its purpose or its security value. One day, a bulldozer suddenly appeared from nowhere, uprooted the concrete blocks and drove off with them, again without any explanation. “They have stolen my roadblock!” the soldier complains, having got used to the place.

The titles of the testimonies speak for themselves: “To produce sleeplessness in the village”, “We used to send neighbors to disarm explosive charges”, “The battalion commander ordered us to shoot anyone trying to remove the bodies”, “The commander of the navy commandos put the muzzle of the rifle into the man’s mouth”, “They told us to shoot at anybody moving in the street”, “You can do whatever you feel like, nobody is going to question it”, “You shoot at the TV set for fun”, “I did not know that there were roads for Jews only”, “A kind of total arbitrariness”, “The [Hebron settler] boys beat up the old woman”, “Arrest the settlers? The army cannot do that”. And so on. Just routine.

The intention of the book is not to uncover atrocities and show the soldiers as monsters. It aims to present a situation: the ruling over another people, with all the high-handed arbitrariness that this necessarily entails, humiliation of the occupied, corruption of the occupier. According to the editors, it is quite impossible for the individual soldier to make a difference. He is just a cog in a machine that is inhuman by its very nature.

GROUPS OF young people who are simply fed up are springing to life in the country. They are signs of an awakening that finds its expression in the daily fight of hundreds of groups devoted to different causes. Only seemingly different – because these causes are essentially bound up with each other. The fight against the occupation, for the refugees who seek shelter in this country, against the demolition of the houses of the Bedouin in the Negev, against the invasion of Arab neighborhoods in East Jerusalem by settlers, for equal rights for the Arab citizens in Israel, against social injustices, for the preservation of the environment, against government corruption, against religious coercion, etc etc. They have a common denominator: the fight for a different Israel.

Young volunteers for each of these fights - and for all of them together - are needed today more than ever, in face of the racism that is raising its ugly head all over Israel – an open racism, shameless and indeed proud of itself.
The phenomenon by itself is not new. What is new is the loss of any vestige of shame. The racists shout their message on every street corner and earn applause from politicians and rabbis.

It started with the flood of racist bills designed to delegitimize the Arab citizens. “Admission committees”, “loyalty oaths”, and much more. Then came the religious edict of the chief rabbi of Safed, forbidding Jews to let apartments to Arabs. This still caused shock and embarrassment. Since then, however, all the dams have broken. A gang of 14-year old boys ambushed Arabs in the center of Jerusalem, using a 14- year old girl as bait, and beat them unconscious. Hundreds of rabbis all over the country signed a manifesto forbidding the letting of apartments to “foreigners” (meaning Arabs who have lived in the country for centuries). In Bat Yam, a city bordering Tel Aviv, a stormy demonstration called for the expulsion of all Arabs from the town. Next day, a demonstration in Tel Aviv’s squalid Hatikva quarter demanded the expulsion of refugees and foreign workers from the neighborhood.

Ostensibly, the demonstrations in Bat Yam and Hatikva were aimed at different targets: the first against Arabs, the second against foreign workers. But the same well-known fascist activists appeared and spoke at both, carrying the same placards and shouting the same slogans. The most conspicuous of these was the assertion that the Arabs and the foreigners are endangering Jewish women – the Arabs marry them and take them to their villages, the foreign workers flirt with them. “Jewish Women for the Jewish People!” cried the posters – as if women were property.

The connection between racism and sex has always intrigued researchers. White racists in the US spread the rumor that “niggers” have bigger penises. Among German Nazi newspapers, the most sensationalist was Der Stürmer, a pornographic sheet filled with stories about innocent blond girls seduced by the money of crooked-nosed ugly Jews. Its editor, Julius Streicher, was condemned and hanged in Nuremberg.

Some believe that one of the roots of racism is a feeling of sexual inadequacy, the lack of self-confidence of men afraid of sexual impotence and/or competition – the very opposite of the picture of the macho racist he-man. It is enough to look at the racist protesters to draw conclusions.

JEAN-PAUL SARTRE famously said that every person is a racist – the difference being between those who admit it to themselves and try to combat it and those who do not.

That is undoubtedly true. I have a simple test for the power of racism: you are driving and somebody cuts your path. If it is a black driver, you say: “Damn nigger!” If it is a woman, you shout: “Go home to your kitchen!” If he wears a kippah, you cry: “Bloody Dos!” (“Dos” is a derogatory Hebrew term for a religious Jew.) If it is a driver without special features, you just shout: “Idiot! Who gave you a driving license?”

The hatred of strangers, the aversion to everyone who is unlike you, are – so it seems – biological traits, remnants from the time of ancient man, when every stranger was a threat to the limited resources the tribe had to depend on. It exists in many other animal species, too. Nothing to be proud of.

The civilized human being, and even more so the civilized human society, has a duty to fight these traits - not only because they are ugly in themselves, but also because they hinder the modernization of the globalized world, In which cooperation between peoples and between people is imperative. It takes us back to the stone age.

The situation here is now moving in the opposite direction: the country is embracing the racist demon. After millennia as the victims of racism, it seems as if Jews here are happy to be able to do unto others what has been done to them.

IT IS impossible to ignore the central role played by rabbis in this filthy mess. They ride the wave and assert that this is the spirit of Judaism. They quote the holy texts at length.

The truth is that Judaism, like almost every religion, includes racist and anti-racist, humanist and barbarian elements. The Crusaders, who massacred the Jews on their way to the Holy Land and who slaughtered the inhabitants of Jerusalem – Muslims and Jews alike – when they conquered the city, shouted: “God Wills It!” One can find in the New Testament magnificent passages preaching love, side by side with quite different sections. So, too, in the Koran there are Surahs full of love for humankind and calls for justice and equality, as well as others full of intolerance and hatred.

So, too, the Hebrew Bible. The racists quote Rabbi Maimonides, who interpreted two biblical words as a commandment not to let non-Jews reside in the country. The whole Book of Joshua is a call to genocide. The Bible commands the Israelites to murder the entire tribe of Amalek (“both man and woman, infant and suckling”) and the Prophet Samuel dethroned King Saul because he spared the lives of Amalekite prisoners (1 Samuel 15).

But the Hebrew Bible is also a book of unequalled humanity. It starts with the description of the creation of man and woman, stressing that all human beings are created in the image of God - and therefore equal. “So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him, male and female created he him.” The Bible repeatedly demands the treatment of “Gerim” (foreigners living among the Israelites) as Israelites, “because you were foreigners in the land of Egypt”.

As Gershom Schocken, the owner and long-time editor in chief of Haaretz, pointed out in an article republished this week on the 20th anniversary of his death: Ezra did indeed expel the non-Jewish wives from the community, but before that, foreign women played a central role in the Biblical story. Bathsheba was the wife of a Hittite, before she married King David and became the mother of the house from which the Messiah will come in due course (or from which, as Christians believe, Jesus – who was born 2010 years ago today – already came.) David himself was the descendant of Ruth, a Moabite woman. King Ahab, the greatest of Israelite kings, married a Phoenician woman.

When our racists present the ugliest face of Judaism, ignoring its universalist message, they do great damage to the religion of millions of Jews around the world. The most important Jewish rabbis were silent this week in face of the racist fire that was ignited by rabbis, or murmured something about “ways of peace” – referring to the rule forbidding the provocation of Goyim, because they might treat the Jews in their countries as the Jews treat the minorities in their own state. Up to now, no Christian priest has yet called upon his flock not to let apartments to Jews – but it could happen.

The silence of the “Torah sages” is thunderous. Even more so the silence of the country’s political leaders: Nobel Peace Prize laureate Shimon Peres did not roar his outrage, and Binyamin Netanyahu has contented himself with calling upon the racists “not to take the law into their own hands”. Not a single word against racism, not a single word about morality and justice.

When I listened to the ex-soldiers at the “Breaking the Silence” meeting, I was filled with hope. This generation understands its duty to heal the state in which they will spend their lives.

In the words of the Hanukkah song, which is rapidly becoming the anthem of the anti-racist demonstrations: “We come the darkness to expel!”


Ethiopian Jews protesting Israeli racist policies.

Will there be a strike? and if so, where? Israel: the next war

The US’s failure under Barack Obama to impose peace between Israel and the Palestinians makes a new war likely

Le Monde Diplomatique | By Alain Gresh | January 2011


In March 1973 the Israeli prime minister Golda Meir visited US president Richard Nixon in Washington. He told her that the Egyptian president Anwar Sadat was prepared to negotiate a full treaty, and Meir assured him that Israel wanted peace, but that she would prefer an interim agreement as Cairo was not to be trusted. She said Egypt’s primary aim was to force Israel to withdraw to the line of 4 June 1967, then resurrect the UN plan for the partition of Palestine that had been adopted in 1947; a solution to the problem of Palestine would have to be discussed with Yasser Arafat and “the terrorists”.

Israeli journalist Aluf Benn reported this conversation, on the basis of documents disclosed by Wikileaks, and drew a parallel between the situation then, when Israel’s refusal to negotiate led directly to war and to Egyptian troops crossing the Suez Canal in October 1973, and prime minister Benyamin Netanyahu’s current evasive response to President Barack Obama. Benn notes that Netanyahu, who returned from the US and rushed to the front in October 1973, “would do well to refresh his memory by listening to the tape of Meir and Nixon and asking himself what he can do to avoid repeating her mistakes and keep from dragging the country blindly toward a second Yom Kippur disaster” (1). In that war the Israeli army lost 2,600 troops.

Israel’s refusal to accept Obama’s proposal to halt settlements on the West Bank (but not in East Jerusalem) for three months in return for unprecedented promises – or bribes, according to columnist Thomas Friedman (2), who is not known for sympathy to the Arabs – confirmed that Obama is unable to exert any real pressure on Israel and that Netanyahu rejects any compromise. Netanyahu, like his predecessors, claims to want peace but he wants the humiliating peace imposed by conquest and based on denial of Palestinian rights. In secret negotiations over the past year, he has repeatedly told the Palestinians they had to accept Israel’s “security concept”, keeping Israeli troops stationed in the Jordan valley along the “barrier” (on the Palestinian side) and the occupation of a substantial part of the West Bank (3). He did not say how long the occupation would last.

This deadlock is forcing the Israeli army to draw up plans for further wars based on the “security concept” – that anyone who refuses to accept Israel’s rule in the region is a “terrorist” to be eliminated. No other country, not even the US, has such a comprehensive security concept, which means that Israel is permanently at war. Who will the Israeli army attack next? Gaza? Two years ago Israeli tanks and aircraft reduced buildings to rubble and killed hundreds of civilians in what the Goldstone report describes as “war crimes” and probably “crimes against humanity”. But Hamas is as strong as ever. How long will Israel tolerate this? Lebanon? In July-August 2006, the Israeli army failed to bring down Hizballah but succeeded in destroying the country; Hizballah is now stronger than ever and the Israeli high command cannot rule out the possibility of a major operation and occupation of part of Lebanon (4). Iran? At the risk of starting a major conflict from Iraq to Lebanon, Palestine to Afghanistan?In the Middle East unrest inevitably leads to war. This time, unlike 1973, Israel would take the first direct step, but it will face far more effective enemies and, as Israeli peace campaigner Uli Avnery points out, the hostility of world public opinion (5). Brazil, Bolivia and Argentina have recognised the Palestinian state within the pre-1967 borders and there has been a letter from 26 European elder statesmen (including Chris Patten, Giuliano Amato, Felipe Gonzáles, Lionel Jospin, Hubert Védrine, Romano Prodi, Javier Solana), who are anything but extremists, calling on the European Union to impose sanctions if the Israeli government has not reviewed its policy by the spring. Human Rights Watch published a report on 19 December (Israel/West Bank: Separate and Unequal) about the systematic discrimination against Palestinians, calling on the US government to withhold US funding from the Israeli government equivalent to expenditure on settlements (more than $1bn).

Avnery concludes: “Somebody wrote this week that America’s support of Israel is a case of assisted suicide. In Israel, assisting suicide is a crime. Suicide itself, however, is allowed by our laws. Those whom the gods want to destroy, they first make mad. Let’s hope we recover our senses before it is too late.”

30 December 2010

Is an Israeli Jewish sense of victimization perpetuating the conflict with Palestinians?

Haaretz | By Akiva Eldar | 30-01-09


A new study of Jewish Israelis shows that most accept the 'official version' of the history of the conflict with the Palestinians. Is it any wonder, then, that the same public also buys the establishment explanation of the operation in Gaza?

A pioneering research study dealing with Israeli Jews' memory of the conflict with the Arabs, from its inception to the present, came into the world together with the war in Gaza. The sweeping support for Operation Cast Lead confirmed the main diagnosis that arises from the study, conducted by Daniel Bar-Tal, one of the world's leading political psychologists, and Rafi Nets-Zehngut, a doctoral student: Israeli Jews' consciousness is characterized by a sense of victimization, a siege mentality, blind patriotism, belligerence, self-righteousness, dehumanization of the Palestinians and insensitivity to their suffering. The fighting in Gaza dashed the little hope Bar-Tal had left – that this public would exchange the drums of war for the cooing of doves.

"Most of the nation retains a simplistic collective memory of the conflict, a black-and-white memory that portrays us in a very positive light and the Arabs in a very negative one," says the professor from Tel Aviv University. This memory, along with the ethos of the conflict and collective emotions such as fear, hatred and anger, turns into a psycho-social infrastructure of the kind experienced by nations that have been involved in a long-term violent conflict. This infrastructure gives rise to the culture of conflict in which we and the Palestinians are deeply immersed, fanning the flames and preventing progress toward peace. Bar-Tal claims that in such a situation, it is hard even to imagine a possibility that the two nations will be capable of overcoming the psychological obstacles without outside help.

Scholars the world over distinguish between two types of collective memory: popular collective memory – that is, representations of the past that have been adopted by the general public; and official collective memory, or representations of the past that have been adopted by the country's official institutions in the form of publications, books or textbooks.

The idea for researching the popular collective memory of Israeli Jews was raised by Nets-Zehngut, a Tel Aviv lawyer who decided to return to the academic world. At present he is completing his doctoral thesis in the International Center for Cooperation and Conflict Resolution at Columbia University's Teachers College. The study, by him and Bar-Tal, entitled "The Israeli-Jewish Collective Memory of the Israeli-Arab/Palestinian Conflict," examines how official collective memory in the State of Israel regarding the creation of the 1948 refugee problem has changed over time.

Bar-Tal became enthusiastic about the idea and, with funding from the International Peace Research Association Foundation, he conducted a survey in the summer of 2008 among a representative sample of 500 Jewish Israeli adults. The study demonstrated that widespread support for the official memory testifies to a lower level of critical thinking, as well as belief in traditional values, high identification with Jewish identity, a tendency to delegitimize the Arabs, and support for taking aggressive steps against the Palestinians.

In a telephone interview from New York, Nets-Zehngut says it is very clear that those with a "Zionist memory" see Israel and the Jews as the victims in the conflict, and do not tend to support agreements or compromises with the enemy in order to achieve peace. This finding, he explains, demonstrates the importance of changing the collective memory of conflicts, making it less biased and more objective – on condition, of course, that there is a factual basis for such a change.

Bar-Tal, who has won international awards for his scientific work, immigrated to Israel from Poland as a child in the 1950s.

"I grew up in a society that for the most part did not accept the reality that the authorities tried to portray, and fought for a different future," he says. "I have melancholy thoughts about nations where there is an almost total identity between the agents of a conflict, on the one hand, who nurture the siege mentality and the existential fear, and various parts of society, on the other. Nations that respond so easily to battle cries and hesitate to enlist in favor of peace do not leave room for building a better future."

Bar-Tal emphasizes that the Israeli awareness of reality was also forged in the context of Palestinian violence against Israeli citizens, but relies primarily on prolonged indoctrination that is based on ignorance and even nurtures it. In his opinion, an analysis of the present situation indicates that with the exception of a small minority, which is capable of looking at the past with an open mind, the general public is not interested in knowing what Israel did in Gaza for many years; how the disengagement was carried out and why, or what its outcome was for the Palestinians; why Hamas came to power in democratic elections; how many people were killed in Gaza from the disengagement until the start of the recent war; and whether it was possible to extend the recent cease-fire or even who violated it first.

"Although there are accessible sources, where it is possible to find the answers to those questions, the public practices self-censorship and accepts the establishment version, out of an unwillingness to open up to alternative information – they don't want to be confused with the facts. We are a nation that lives in the past, suffused with anxiety and suffering from chronic closed-mindedness," charges Bar-Tal.

That describes the state of mind in 2000, when most of the pubic accepted the simplistic version of then-prime minister Ehud Barak regarding the failure of the Camp David summit and the outbreak of the second intifada, and reached what seemed like the obvious conclusion that "there is no partner" with whom to negotiate.

Bar-Tal: "After the bitter experience of the Second Lebanon War, during which the memory of the war was taken out of their hands and allowed to be formed freely, the country's leaders learned their lesson, and decided that they wouldn't let that happen again. They were not satisfied with attempts to inculcate Palestinian awareness and tried to influence Jewish awareness in Israel as well. For that purpose, heavy censorship and monitoring of information were imposed" during the Gaza campaign.

The professor believes that politicians would not have been successful in formulating the collective memory of such a large public without the willing enlistment of the media. Almost all the media focused only on the sense of victimization of the residents of the so-called "Gaza envelope" and the south. They did not provide the broader context of the military operation and almost completely ignored – before and during the fighting – the situation of the residents of besieged Gaza. The human stories from Sderot and the dehumanization of Hamas and the Palestinians provided the motivation for striking at Gaza with full force.

Nets-Zehngut and Bar-Tal find a close connection between the collective memory and the memory of "past persecutions of Jews" ("the whole world is against us," and the Holocaust). The more significant the memory of persecution, the stronger the tendency to adopt Zionist narratives. From this we can understand the finding that adults, the religious public and those with more right-wing political views tend to adopt the Zionist version of the conflict, while young people, the secular public and those with left-wing views tend more to adopt critical narratives.

The atmosphere in the street and in the media during the weeks of the Gaza war seems to have confirmed the central finding of the study: "The ethos of the conflict is deeply implanted in Jewish society in Israel. It is a strongly rooted ideology that justifies the goals of the Jews, adopts their version, presents them in a very positive light and rejects the legitimacy of the Arabs, and primarily of the Palestinians," notes Bar-Tal.

For example, when asked the question, "What were the reasons for the failure of the negotiations between [Ehud] Barak and [Yasser] Arafat in summer 2000?" 55.6 percent of the respondents selected the following answer: "Barak offered Arafat a very generous peace agreement, but Arafat declined mainly because he did not want peace." Another 25.4 percent believed that both parties were responsible for the failure, and about 3 percent replied that Arafat did want peace, but Barak was not forthcoming enough in meeting the needs of the Palestinians. (Sixteen percent replied that they didn't know the answer.)

Over 45 percent of Israeli Jews have imprinted on their memories the version that the second intifada broke out only, or principally, because Arafat planned the conflict in advance. Only 15 percent of them believe the viewpoint presented by three heads of the Shin Bet security services: that the intifada was mainly the eruption of a popular protest. Over half those polled hold the Palestinians responsible for the failure of the Oslo process, 6 percent hold Israel responsible, and 28.4 percent said both sides were equally responsible.

Among the same Jewish public, 40 percent are unaware that at the end of the 19th century, the Arabs were an absolute majority among the inhabitants of the Land of Israel. Over half of respondents replied that in the United Nations partition plan, which was rejected by the Arabs, the Arabs received an equal or larger part of the territory of the Land of Israel, relative to their numbers; 26.6 percent did not know that the plan offered the 1.3 million Arabs a smaller part of the territory (44 percent) than was offered to 600,000 Jews (55 percent).

Bar-Tal claims that this distortion of memory is no coincidence. He says that the details of the plan do not appear in any textbook, and this is a deliberate omission. "Knowledge of how the land was divided could arouse questions regarding the reason why the Arabs rejected the plan and make it possible to question the simplistic version: We accepted the partition plan, they didn't."

However, his study shows that a larger percentage of the Jewish population in Israel believes that in 1948, the refugees were expelled (47.2 percent of respondents), than those who still retain the old Zionist version (40.8 percent), according to which the refugees left on their own initiative. On this point, not only do almost all the history books provide up-to-date information, but some local school textbooks do as well. Even on the television program "Tekuma" ("Rebirth," a 1998 documentary series about Israel's first 50 years), the expulsion of the Arabs was mentioned.

Nets-Zehngut also finds a degree of self-criticism in the answers relating to the question of overall responsibility for the conflict. Of those surveyed, 46 percent think that the responsibility is more or less evenly divided between Jews and Arabs, 4.3 percent think that the Jews are mainly to blame, and 43 percent think that the Arabs and the Palestinians are mainly to blame for the outbreak and continuation of the conflict. It turns out, therefore, that when the country's education system and media are willing to deal with distorted narratives, even a collective memory that has been etched into people's minds for years can be changed.

Bar-Tal says he takes no comfort in the knowledge that Palestinian collective memory suffers from similar ills, and that it is also in need of a profound change – a change that would help future generations on both sides to regard one another in a more balanced, and mainly a more humane manner. This process took many decades for the French and the Germans, and for the Protestants and the Catholics in Northern Ireland. When will it finally begin here, too?

(verwijderd) http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/objects/pages/PrintArticleEn.jhtml?itemNo=1060061

Never again? Elderly Palestinian women called “whores” on Yad Vashem tour, while racism explodes across Israel

Max Blumenthal | 12.30.10


This week, a group of elderly Palestinian women were escorted to the Yad Vashem Holocaust Martyrs' and Heroes' Remembrance musuem to learn about the Jewish genocide in Europe. At the entrance of the museum, they were surrounded by a group of Jewish Israeli youth who recognized them as Arabs. "Sharmouta!" the young Israelis shouted at them again and again, using the Arabic slang term for whores, or sluts.

The Palestinians had been invited to attend a tour arranged by the Israeli Bereaved Families Forum, an organization founded by an Israeli whose son was killed in combat by Palestinians. They were joined by a group of Jewish Israeli women who, like them, had lost family members to violence related to the conflict. Presumably, both parties went on the tour in good faith, hoping to gain insight into the suffering of women on the other side of the conflict.

Unfortunately, the Palestinian members (who unlike the Israelis live under occupation and almost certainly had to obtain special permits just to go to Yad Vashem) learned an unusual lesson of the Holocaust: A society that places the Holocaust at the center of its historical narrative — that stops traffic for two minutes each year on the national holiday known as Yom Ha'Shoah — could also raise up a generation of little fascists goose-stepping into the future full of irrational hatred.

"In Palestinian culture, older women are most honored and they could not believe their ears," said Sami Abu Awwad, a Palestinian coordinator of the tour. "We never talk like this to older women. The Palestinians, who were all grandmothers, were very shocked and offended."



The report on this outburst of Jewish Israeli racism comes from the Israeli news website Walla! For some reason, I could not find reporting on it anywhere in English.

Perhaps the story was lost in the flood of reports about the anti-Arab racism that poured through the streets of Israel this week. Besides the publication of a series of rabbinical letters forbidding renting to Arabs and condemning relationships between Jews and Arabs, a school principal in Jaffa prohibited Palestinian-Israeli students from speaking Arabic to one another. In Bat Yam, a mostly Russian suburb just south of Jaffa, Jewish residents demonstrated against the presence their Arab neighbors. "Any Jewish woman who goes with an Arab should be killed; any Jew who sells his home to an Arab should be killed," one protester reportedly shouted. And in Tel Aviv, locals rallied for the expulsion of foreign workers.

The Jerusalem Post reported:

On Saturday, three teenage girls born to African migrant parents were attacked and severely beaten by a mob of teenagers while walking to their homes in the Hatikva neighborhood.

That same night, someone tried to torch an apartment in Ashdod housing seven Sudanese citizens. The assailants set a blazing tire outside the front door of the apartment, and five of the seven residents were lightly hurt by smoke inhalation before they managed to break the burglar bars and flee through a window.

Meanwhile, in Jerusalem, a gang of Jewish youths was arrested after staging several random attacks on young Palestinian men with weapons including tear gas, which would be hard to acquire from anywhere except the army. Ynet reported:

The gang of teens was allegedly headed by a 14-year-old boy, and used a girl their age to seduce Arab youths.

The girl would then lead the young men to a meeting point in the city's Independence Park, where they were allegedly brutally attacked by the teens with stones, glass bottles and tear gas. Police suspect the girl took part in three of the assaults.

Daniel Bar-Tal, a renowned Israeli political psychologist who has conducted some of the most comprehensive surveys of Israeli attitudes since Operation Cast Lead, found that the racist, authoritarian trends that are increasingly pronounced in Israeli society are products of a "psycho-social infrastructure" dedicated to promoting "a sense of victimization, a siege mentality, blind patriotism, belligerence, self-righteousness, dehumanization of the Palestinians and insensitivity to their suffering."


The only image of a Palestinian inside Yad Vashem depicts the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem sig heiling Nazi troops

This infrastructure is comprised of institutions like the Zionist education system, the Israeli Defense Forces, and even Yad Vashem, which explicitly links the Palestinian national struggle to Nazism.

Indeed, the only image of a Palestinian in all of Yad Vashem (at least that I am aware of) is of the Grand Mufti Hajj Amin Al-Husseini, who was forced by the British to flee to Germany, where he became a (not very successful) Nazi collaborator. In recent years, the Mufti has become a key fixture of Israeli propaganda efforts against the Palestinians. As such, a photo is featured prominently on a wall in Yad Vashem depicting him sig heiling a group of Nazi troops. However, there is no mention anywhere in Yad Vashem of the 9000 Palestinian Arabs the British recruited to fight the Nazis, or of the 233,000 North African volunteers who fought and died while battling the Nazis in the French Liberation Army (and whose heroic efforts were dramatized in the excellent film, "Days of Glory").

According to Peter Novick, the author of "The Holocaust in American Life," though the Mufti played no significant part in the Holocaust, he plays a "starring role" in Yad Vashem's Encyclopedia of the Holocaust. "The article on the Mufti is more than twice as long as the articles on Goebbels and Goring, longer than the articles on Himmler and Heydrich combined, longer than the article on Eichmann — of all the biographical articles, it is exceeded in length, but only slightly, by the entry for Hitler." [Novick, p. 158]

Not only has Yad Vashem attempted through propagandistic means to link the Palestinian struggle to Nazism, it has promoted an exclusivist view of the Holocaust. In April 2009, Yad Vashem fired a docent, Itamar Shapira, because he had discussed the massacre of Palestinians in Deir Yassin with a group of students from the settlement of Efrat. "All I was trying to say is that there were people who lived here before the Holocaust survivors arrived, that they suffered a terrible trauma too, and that we shouldn't hide the facts," Shapira told me a month after his firing. "Yad Vashem carefully selected what facts it wanted to present, but deliberately avoided things like Deir Yassin, even though its ruins were just a thousand meters from the museum."

Iris Rosenberg, a Yad Vashem administrator who was involved in Shapira's firing, said of the verbal assault against Palestinian women at the museum this week: "Despite the regrettable incident at the entrance to the museum, the team's visit to the Holocaust History Museum was conducted in a dignified manner which was significant and important."

Tamara Rabinovitch, the Israeli leader of the Bereaved Families tour, told Walla! that her Palestinian counterparts "were very excited by the visit. Some of them approached me and told me they heard details of the Holocaust but did not know how painful it was. In two weeks we plan to visit an abandoned Arab village so that the Palestinian narrative is represented."

Het CIDI en "de harten van de betrokkenen"

De nonsens die het CIDI uitkraamt in haar persbericht heeft geen enkele rationele proportie. Trekt u even een pak zakdoeken open:

"Er dient een tweestaten oplossing te komen. Maar eenzijdige dwang op een democratie werkt niet. Het zal nooit lukken een duurzame vrede te bereiken als het niet uit de harten van de betrokkenen, in casu de kiezers, zelf komt."

"De harten" van de Palestijnen waren met Hamas, die in 2006 met grote meerderheid de democratische verkiezingen wonnen. Die verkiezingen werden 1. door het Westen afgedwongen, en 2. door het Westen gecontroleerd op legaliteit. Alles was in orde. Maar aan wat de Palestijnen willen heeft Israël, en natuurlijk 'de vrienden van Israël', geen enkele boodschap. Nooit gehad. Meteen begon Israël Gaza te belegeren, als collectieve straf. En later het gecreëerde gevangenkamp bombarderen. Dus is het helemaal niet voor een "duurzame vrede" met de Palestijnen.



"De kiezers" en de "betrokkenen" waar het CIDI over schrijft zijn niet de Palestijnen. Het CIDI meent namelijk dat Israël, als een echte ouderwetse kolonisator, mag bepalen wat "duurzame vrede" inhoudt voor de Palestijnen. Waarom is dat? Omdat het CIDI meent dat Palestijnen blijkbaar zulke minderwaardige mensen zijn dat ze niet eens "betrokkenen" zijn in hun eigen toekomst. Ze mogen ze niet over hun eigen levens beslissen. Net als vroeger in onze koloniën: wij wisten wel wat goed was voor de inboorlingen. En wanneer het slachtoffer, na jaren van landjepik, niet met de dief in zee wil gaan omdat hij nog meer van hem wil stelen, dan heet het volgens het CIDI dat de Palestijnen 'niet willen onderhandelen' en 'geen vrede willen'. Het lijkt wel een sekte.


In donkergroen ziet u wat volgens het CIDI Palestijnse autonomie en "duurzame vrede" is.

Wat het CIDI verzwijgt is dat de "tweestatenoplossing" die Israël voorstaat er op neerkomt dat de Palestijnen 'souvereine', maar wel gedemilitariseerde, autonomie krijgen over 11% van de Westelijke Jordaanoever. In de rest van het gebied mogen de Palestijnen nog geen een rioolpijp onder hun huis aanleggen. Míts dat idee genade kan vinden in de harten van de Israëli's!


Dit verkoopt het CIDI hardnekkig als "vredesproces".

Meer:
» NRC: Er is helemaal geen vredesproces (2009)
» The Great Middle East Peace Process Scam (2007)
» Google "no peace process"

CIDI ontkent het zionisme

"De weerzin om Israel te accepteren leidde er in 1947 toe dat de Palestijnen het delingsplan van de Verenigde Naties verwierpen. Israel ging echter wel akkoord met dit plan en liet daarmee de Groot-Israel gedachte ver achter zich.

In tegenstelling tot wat Elshout ons wil doen geloven is er ook in de huidige politieke constellatie geen noemenswaardige voedingsbodem voor de Groot-Israel gedachte. Hoewel enkele politici op individuele basis nog steun betuigen aan deze visie is er slechts één partij die daadwerkelijk naar een Groot-Israel streeft: de Nationale Unie, met maar 4 zetels in het parlement." (CIDI persbericht, 30 december 2010)

"De weerzin om Israel te accepteren leidde er in 1947 toe dat de Palestijnen het delingsplan van de Verenigde Naties verwierpen."

Het was niet "de weerzin ... van de Palestijnen" die hen deed besluiten het "delingsplan" (moet zijn: het verdelingsplan, want gedeeld werd er niet) van de Verenigde Naties te verwerpen. Nee, het was geen emotie, zoals het CIDI suggereert, maar het was de werkelijkheid, namelijk dat zij 56% land moesten inleveren aan de joden, die op dat moment, legaal, 7% in handen hadden. En het land dat de Palestijnen zouden behouden was juist het meest onvruchtbare land. Daarnaast stelde Azzam Pasha, het hoofd van de Arabische Liga, voor: "We are fighting for an Arab Palestine. Whatever the outcome the Arabs will stick to their offer of equal citizenship for Jews in Arab Palestine and let them be as Jewish as they like. In areas where they predominate they will have complete autonomy." Maar daar waren de zionisten op tegen. Veel Palestijnse leiders en organisaties accepteerden het plan overigens wél, zie Wikipedia.

ZIONISME


Kaart van 'Groot-Israël', de gewenste joodse staat als opgetekend en gepresenteerd door de World Zionist Organization in 1918.

"Israel ging echter wel akkoord met dit plan en liet daarmee de Groot-Israel gedachte ver achter zich."

Aldus het CIDI. Inderdaad, Israël ging akkoord, maar wel met het vooringenomen plan om zich er niets van aan te trekken en land te gaan veroveren (lees verder). Daarnaast werd het zionisme, dat tot op de dag van vandaag meestal valselijk wordt omschreven als 'het verlangen naar een joods thuisland', in 1948 niet afgeschaft, toen het dat joodse thuisland uiteindelijk had gekregen. Natuurlijk niet, immers:

"Zionism does not have a uniform ideology, but has evolved in a dialogue among a plethora of ideologies: General Zionism, Religious Zionism, Labor Zionism, Revisionist Zionism, Green Zionism, etc. However, the common denominator among all Zionists is the claim to Eretz Israel as the national homeland of the Jews and as the legitimate focus for the Jewish national self-determination (as shown, among others, by Gideon Shimoni). It is based on historical ties and religious traditions linking the Jewish people to the Land of Israel." (Wikipedia)

GROOT-ISRAËL

Eretz (Y)Israel - ook bekend onder de namen Groot-Israël, het Heilige Land, het Bijbelse land en the Land of Israël - is:

"...het gebied dat ongeveer overeenkomt met het huidige Israël inclusief de bezette gebieden zoals de Westelijke Jordaanoever. Ook kleine delen van Libanon, Syrië, Jordanië en Egypte die grenzen aan Israël worden wel hiertoe gerekend." (Wikipedia)

Ben-Goerion bepleitte in 1947 bij zijn partij het Verdelingsplan van de VN te accepteren, omdat het geen overeenkomst zou blijven (aldus de Israëlische historicus Simha Flapan):

"...not with regard to the regime, not with regard to borders, and not with regard to international agreements."

Een dag na het tekenen van het verdelingsplan stelde Menachem Begin van de joods-terroristische Irgun militie (die later premier zou worden):

"The Partition of Palestine is illegal. It will never be recognized .... Jerusalem was and will for ever be our capital. Eretz Israel will be restored to the people of Israel. All of it. And for Ever." (Iron Wall, by Avi Shlaim, p. 25)


Poster met het embleem van de Irgun, met de kaart van Groot-Israël

Hoe ver ligt "de Groot-Israel gedachte" tegenwoordig eigenlijk van Israël? Dat kunnen we o.a. lezen in het handvest (1999) van de regerende Likud-partij, een partij die is ontstaan uit de Irgun van Menachem Begin, die niet toevallig een kaart van Groot-Israël in haar embleem had staan.

"The Jewish communities in Judea, Samaria [Westelijke Jordaanoever] and Gaza are the realization of Zionist values. Settlement of the land is a clear expression of the unassailable right of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel* and constitutes an important asset in the defense of the vital interests of the State of Israel."

*) In 1977 stond daarboven: "The Right of the Jewish People to the Land of Israel (Eretz Israel)"

en

"The Government of Israel flatly rejects the establishment of a Palestinian Arab state west of the Jordan river.
The Palestinians can run their lives freely in the framework of self-rule, but not as an independent and sovereign state. Thus, for example, in matters of foreign affairs, security, immigration and ecology, their activity shall be limited in accordance with imperatives of Israel's existence, security and national needs."

en:

"Jerusalem is the eternal, united capital of the State of Israel and only of Israel."

Professor Arye Naor, hoogleraar aan de Ben-Gurion Universiteit schreef:

"Since the political upheaval of May 17, 1977, Israel has had four Likud Prime Ministers—Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir, Benjamin Netanyahu, and Ariel Sharon. All four had pledged allegiance to the Greater Israel (Eretz Israel Hashlemah) ideology before being elected and during tenure. Different from each other in background, in style, and language as they might have been, all of them were elected on the Greater Israel ticket, having disassociated themselves and their Likud Party from Labor mainly on this issue."

Enkele maanden geleden nog stelde premier Benjamin Netanyahu: "You don't need to worry. Nobody needs to teach me what it is to love Eretz Israel." (AFP)

Zelfs de zogeheten 'duif', de Kadima partij:

"Israel's media reported that Kadima released the main points of its national agenda on 28 November 2005 as presented by Justice Minister Tzipi Livni in a drafted statement:
- The Israeli nation has a national and historic right to the whole of Israel. However, in order to maintain a Jewish majority, part of the Land of Israel must be given up to maintain a Jewish and democratic state.
- Israel shall remain a Jewish state and homeland. Jewish majority in Israel will be preserved by territorial concessions to Palestinians.
- Jerusalem and large settlement blocks in the West Bank will be kept under Israeli control." (Wikipedia)

ANTIZIONISME

Wanneer de pro-Israël lobby van het CIDI beweert dat Israël "de Groot-Israel gedachte ver achter zich" heeft gelaten, is dat ronduit gelogen. In deze is het opmerkelijk dat het CIDI tegenwoordig zwijgt wanneer, zoals recent in in politiek en media, antizionisme wordt gelijkgeschakeld met antisemitisme. Toen Wim Kortenoeven nog bij het CIDI werkte in 2007, voordat hij zich dit jaar aansloot bij de extremistische PVV, stelde hij dat de "ultieme synthese" van islamitisch en extreemrechts antisemitisme het antizionisme was. Ook stelde hij: "Antizionisme heeft een sterke relatie met Holocaustontkenning en de rest kunt u zelf wel invullen."

Het CIDI ontkent in haar persbericht dat "Groot-Israel" relevant is in de Israelische politiek. Dat is een antizionistische uitspraak. Het typeert de constante, maar vrijwillige, spagaat van het lobby-instituut. Aan de ene kant moet het, voor de vorm, tolerantie, vrijheid, democratie en vrede preken, en moet het deze eigenschappen ook aan Israël toeschrijven. Maar aan de andere kant moet het continue de bezetting, het racisme, de misdaden en de mensenrechtenschendingen van Israël verdedigen en goedpraten. Dat lukt het CIDI nog steeds goed, grotendeels door het verzwijgen van genoemde andere kant. Behalve voor de mensen die de propaganda doorzien.

29 December 2010

Triomf van Joods Actueel: katholiek = seksueel misbruik = "anti-Israël"!

Okee, katholicisme en pedo's, weer actueel. Daar komen de joden: François Houtart heeft niet alleen 40 jaar geleden zijn neefje misbruikt (en bekend), maar hij is nog "anti-Israëlactivist" ook! Bewijs! Triomf! En waarom? Omdat hij Hamas van de EU-terroristenlijst af wilde hebben, lid is van het Russel Tribunaal en oprichter van de NGO Cetri.

"De vraag is nog maar welke activiteiten deze grote Palestijnse kindervrienden ook tijdens hun bezoeken aan de Palestijnse gebieden ontplooiden."

Maar dan is de vraag ook wat Israëlische cipiers met Palestijnse kinderen doen:

"An international children’s rights charity has said it has evidence that Palestinian children held in Israeli custody have been subjected to sexual abuse in an effort to extract confessions from them.

The Geneva-based Defence for Children International (DCI) has collected 100 sworn affadavits from Palestinian children who said they were mistreated by their Israeli captors.

Fourteen of the statements say they were sexually abused or threatened with sexual assault to pressure them into confessions." (bron)

Of wat 'anti-Palestijnse' joden met kinderen uitspoken: Cloistered Shame in Israel - TIME over seksueel misbruik binnen de Haredi-gemeenschap in Israël.

NB De vrouw uit Beit Shemesh draagt een zogenoemde 'joodse burka'. A 54-year-old Israeli mother of 12 was under arrest Tuesday for allegedly severely abusing her children, police said. The mother was also suspected of failing to report multiple cases of incest among her children. (Jerusalem Post)

Eind 2009 ontving François Houtart de UNESCO Madanjeet-Singh prijs voor de promotie van tolerantie en geweldloosheid. Ook was hij kandidaat voor de Nobelprijs voor de Vrede. Ja, dat kan natuurlijk niet anders dan "anti-Israël" zijn...

Als de Belgische joden van Joods Actueel nu alle mensen met een "anti-Israël" mening tot een ziekte of een ras zouden uitroepen, dan werd het in ieder geval duidelijk waar ze mee bezig zijn.


François Houtart. Belgian Marxist Priest and sociologist, director of the CETRI ( Tricontinental Center ) and the review " Alternatives Sud".  Militant antiglobalist.  The canon François Houtart is a catholic priest and intellectual Marxist of international fame.  Grandson of the count Henry Carton de Wiart (1869-1951), who was one of the leaders of the Catholic Party and pioneer of the Christian democracy, François Houtart was born in Brussels in 1925.  After his training in philosophy and theology at the Seminar in Mechelen, he was ordered priest in 1949. Graduated in political and social sciences of the catholic University of Leuven and graduate of the International Higher Institute of Town planning of Brussels , he is a doctor of sociology of the UCL where he was a professor of 1958 to 1990.  Author or co-author of many publications regarding socio-religious research, he took part, as expert, in the council of the Vatican II (1962-1965). He participated in the Bertrand Russell War Crimes Tribunal on US Crimes in Vietnam in 1967. Today, he directs a ONG, the CETRI ( Tricontinental Center ) based in Louvain-la-Neuve as well as the review "Alternatives Sud".  Regarded as a prophet by the ones, like a dangerous activist by the others, François Houtart is one of the most active collaborators of the World Social Forum of Porto Allegre and one of the most convinced militants for "another globalisation". Houtart is Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people, president of the BRussells Tribunal and senior adviser to the President of the United Nations General Assembly Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann. (bron: BRussels Tribunal)

27 December 2010

Fotoverslag bezettingstoerisme van Christenen voor Israël 2009

Bezettingstoerisme onder de bezielende leiding van Henk Binnendijk.























(bron)

En o ja, best belangrijk: "Aan personen van verschillend geslacht wordt alleen een 2-persoonskamer toegewezen als er sprake is van een wettig huwelijk." We moeten het namelijk wel FATSOENLIJK houden.

NOS-propaganda: Schip Gaza-konvooi terug in Turkije

"Het Turkse schip werd in mei geënterd door Israëlische commando's ... Bij de actie kwamen negen mensen om het leven. ...negen mensen die zijn omgekomen" (NOS)

De 'actie' en de 'entering'? Het hiaat is hier dat het een aanval betrof van het Israëlische leger, en dat deze in internationale wateren plaats vond, waarbij negen mensen, waaronder Europeanen, zijn doodgeschoten, waarvan zes point blank. Minstens vijftig mensen werden verwond. De NOS doet echter net alsof de slachtoffers door een onvoorziene natuurramp getroffen werden, terwijl de VN sprak over "wilful killing". De fact-finding mission van de VN concludeerde o.a.:

"The conduct of the Israeli military and other personnel towards the flotilla
passengers was not only disproportionate to the occasion but demonstrated levels of totally unnecessary and incredible violence. It betrayed an unacceptable level of brutality. Such conduct cannot be justified or condoned on security or any other grounds. It constituted a grave violation of human rights law and international humanitarian law."

"...there is clear evidence to support prosecutions of the following crimes within the terms of article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention:
• Wilful killing;
• Torture or inhuman treatment;
• Wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health
."

(Conclusions, pag. 53, pdf)

Kortom: het was een illegale aanval, het was een misdaad, en opvarenden zijn vermoord. Maar de journalisten van de NOS trekken blijkbaar hun 'eigen' conclusies.


Pro-Palestinian activists wave Palestinian flags during the welcoming ceremony for cruise liner Mavi Marmara at the Sarayburnu port of Istanbul December 26, 2010.

"Pro-islamitische groepen"

"Activisten, vooral leden van pro-islamitische groepen, lieten honderden ballonnen de lucht ingaan toen het schip de haven van Istanbul bereikte."

In werkelijkheid, zoals u op de foto van Reuters kunt zien, domineerden de Palestijnse vlaggen, maar dat verzwijgt de NOS. En waarom noemt de NOS het "leden van pro-islamitische groepen"? Het suggereert dat "pro-islamitische groepen" niet gewoon uit moslims en moslimorganisaties bestaan, maar dat dit een bijzondere groep mensen betreft. De toevoeging van "pro-" suggereert dat 'anti-islam' de norm is, en 'pro-islam' een uitzondering is.

Stelt u zich eens voor wanneer christenen opeens geens christenen meer heten, maar 'pro-christelijke personen'. Of dat de NOS wanneer het joden bedoelt schreekt over 'pro-joodse mensen' en groepen. Maar dat doet de NOS niet, omdat christenen en joden 'normale' mensen zijn met een religie die 'de norm' zijn - en moslims blijkbaar niet. De NOS zet moslims apart door ze "pro-islamitisch" te noemen.

Het NOS-journaal berichtte destijds alleen de Israëlische versie van het verhaal, met behulp van uitsluitend Israëlisch beeldmateriaal. De NOS-versie van het verhaal was dat de Israëlische militairen werden aangevallen door de opvarenden, in plaats van andersom:

Ilan Pappé: The drums of war are heard again in Israel

MondoWeiss | By Ilan Pappe | 26-12-2010


The drums of war are heard again in Israel and they are sounded because once more Israel's invincibility in is question. Despite the triumphant rhetoric in the various media commemorative reports, two years after 'Cast Lead', the sense is that that campaign was as much of a failure as was the second Lebanon war of 2006. Unfortunately, leaders, generals and the public at large in the Jewish State know only one way of dealing with military debacles and fiascos. They can be redeemed only by another successful operation or war but one which has to be carried out with more force and be more ruthless than the previous one with the hope for better results in the next round.

Force and might, so explained leading commentators in the local media (parroting what they hear from the generals in the army), is needed in order to 'deter', to 'teach a lesson' and to 'weaken' the enemy. There is no new plan for Gaza – there is no real desire to occupy it and put in under direct Israeli rule. What is suggested is to pound the Strip and its people once more, but with more brutality and for a shorter time. One might ask, why would this bear different fruits than the 'Cast Lead Operation'? But this is the wrong question. The right question is what else can the present political and military elite of Israel (which includes the government and the main opposition parties) do?

They have known now for years what to do in the West Bank – colonize, ethnically cleanse and bisect the area to death, while remaining publicly loyal to the futile discourse of peace or rather the 'peace process'. The end result is expected to be a docile Palestinian Authority within a heavily Judaized West Bank. But they are at a total loss about how to manage the situation in the Gaza Strip, ever since Ariel Sharon 'disengaged' from it. The unwillingness of the people of Gaza to be disengaged from the West Bank, and the World, seems to be more difficult to defeat, even after the horrible human toll the Gazans paid in December 2008 for their resistance and defiance.

The scenario for the next round is unfolding in front of our eyes and it resembles depressingly the same deterioration that preceded the massacre of Gaza two years ago: daily bombardment on the Strip and a policy that tries to provoke Hamas so that more expanded assaults would be justified. As one general explained, there is now a need to take into account the damaging effect of the Goldstone report: namely the next major attack should look more plausible than the 2009 one (but this concern may not be that crucial to this particular government; nor would it serve as an obstacle).

As always in this part of the world, other scenarios are possible – less bloody and maybe more hopeful. But it is hard to see who can generate a different short term future: the perfidious Obama administration? The helpless Arab regimes? timid Europe or the handicapped UN? The steadfastness of the people of Gaza and that of the Palestinian people in general means that the grand Israeli strategy to wither them away - as the founder of the Zionist movement, Theodore Herzl, hoped to do to the indigenous people of Palestine already in the very end of the nineteenth century - will not work. But the price may yet rise and it is time for all those who voiced a powerful and effective voice AFTER the Gaza massacre two years ago, to do it NOW, and try and avert the next one.

This voice is described in Israel as the attempt to 'delegitimize' the Jewish State. It is the only voice that seems to concern seriously the government and the intellectual elite of Israel (far more annoying to them than any soft condemnation by Hillary Clinton or the EU). The first attempt to counter this voice was to claim that delegitimization was anti-Semitism in disguise. This seems to have backfired since Israel demanded to know who in the world supports its policies; well it transpired that the only enthusiastic supporters of Israeli policy in the Western world nowadays are extreme right wing, traditionally anti-Semitic, organizations and politicians The second attempt is to try and argue that these attempts in the form of Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions, would make Israel more determined to continue and be a rogue state. However, this is a vacuous threat: Israeli policies are not generated by this moral and decent voice; on the contrary, this voice is one of the few factors that restrain the aggressive policy, and who knows when, if in the future western governments would joined their publics as they did eventually in the case of Apartheid South Africa, it may even bring an end to these policies and enable Jews and Arabs alike to live in peace in Israel and Palestine.

This voice is effective because is shows clearly the link between the racist character of the state and the criminal nature of its policies towards the Palestinians. The voice turned recently into an organized and clearly defined campaign with a clear message: Israel will remain a pariah state as long as its constitution, laws and the policies will continue to violate the basic human and civil rights of the Palestinians, wherever they are, including the right to live and exist.

What is needed now is for the noble but totally futile energy invested by the Israeli peace camp and its like in the west in the concept of 'co-existence' and the projects of 'dialogue' to be reinvested in the attempt to prevent another genocidal chapter in the history of Israel's war against the Palestinians, before it is too late.

Ilan Pappé is the coauthor with Noam Chomsky of Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel's War Against the Palestinians (Haymarket Books).

26 December 2010

Israëlische bulldozers denderen door

IPS/OneWorld.nl | Mel Frykberg | 26-12-2010


In Oost-Jeruzalem worden Palestijnen uit hun appartement gezet, op de Westelijke Jordaanoever walsen Israëlische bulldozers hun huizen plat. Palestijnen betalen een hoge tol voor het spaak lopen van de vredesgesprekken met Israël.

Alleen puin en verwrongen metaal is er over van de kopieerzaak die Muhammad Robin Alyyan (27) met zijn twee broers dreef. Samen met andere Palestijnse huizen in het bezette gebied Oost-Jeruzalem vernielden Israëlische veiligheidsdiensten onlangs hun bloeiende onderneming. Ze hadden geen bouwvergunning, luidt de officiële verklaring.

150.000 euro weg
Mensenrechtenorganisaties hebben aangetoond hoe moeilijk het voor Palestijnen is om deze papieren te krijgen. Zij vermoeden hierin opzet van Israël, dat tegelijkertijd illegale joodse nederzettingen steunt zodat demografisch een joodse meerderheid ontstaat. "Binnen een paar uur hebben we 150.000 euro verloren", vertelt ondernemer Alyyan. De Israëlische grenspolitie heeft hem geboeid, geslagen en pepperspray in het gezicht gespoten, zegt hij.



Uit huis gezet
De Israëlische autoriteiten vernielden de afgelopen weken meerdere gebouwen en zetten Palestijnen uit hun huizen op de Westelijke Jordaanoever.
In Oost-Jeruzalem betrokken joodse kolonisten onder politiebegeleiding twee appartementen, waarbij een Palestijnse familie uit een van de flats werd gezet. Ondertussen liggen er bouwaanvragen voor honderden nieuwe woningen in illegale joodse nederzettingen in Oost-Jeruzalem.

Twintig straaljagers
Het Amerikaanse Witte Huis bood Israël recent nog wapens en technologie in ruil voor een verlenging van drie maanden van de bouwstop, die afliep in september. De deal omvatte onder meer twintig straaljagers (F-35's) en mobiel luchtafweergeschut (Iron Dome) ter waarde van 205 miljoen dollar. Verder beloofden de VS dat zij hun veto zouden gebruiken in de VN-Veiligheidsraad als de Palestijnse Autoriteit (PA) bij de VN aandringt op een Palestijnse staat. Toch ging de Israëlische regering niet in op dit aanbod.

Staat in het nauw
Door deze ontwikkelingen raakt de Palestijnse Autoriteit nog meer in het nauw. "Wat de regering nu overweegt, is om hun zaak van een Palestijnse staat rechtstreeks bij de VN te bepleiten, buiten Israël en de VS om", vertelt hoogleraar Samir Awad van de Birzeit-universiteit bij Ramallah. Premier Salaam Fayyad werkt eraan de Palestijnse staat op te richten tegen augustus 2011.

Alternatieve weg
Hoogleraar Awad vervolgt: "Dat plan ligt al twee jaar op de tekentafel en omvat de oprichting van eigen instellingen met de groeiende steun van leden uit de internationale gemeenschap. De onderhandelingen met Israël leiden tot niets. De Palestijnse Autoriteit moet een alternatieve weg zoeken, die de VN erbij betrekt maar zich niet alleen tot deze instantie beperkt."

Ronny Naftaniël en zijn gewelddadige stenengooiende Palestijnen

Bijna dagelijks post Ronny Naftaniël van de Nederlandse pro-Israël lobby baarlijke nonsens op Twitter. Vandaag: "90 Palestijnen proberen met geweld het Qalandia checkpoint over te gaan. Ze gooien met stenen. Israelisch leger arresteert 6 stenengooiers"

Naftaniël's bronnen zijn onbetrouwbaar. Protesteren is volgens hem "geweld", en het stenen gooien (heeft hij zelf gezien?) is blijkbaar zo erg dat hij het twee maal in één tweet propt. Dat de zwaar bewapende Israëlische soldaten continue traangasgraten afschieten op de protesteerders, vindt Ronny blijkbaar blijkbaar geen "geweld". Wie weet, misschien vindt hij het wel weer "zelfverdediging", net zoals hij beweerde over de honderden gedode kinderen in Gaza 2008-2009. De man heeft geen enkele moraal.

Het CIDI noemde het beschieten van scholen in Gaza "een tragisch incident", en dat het ook wel meeviel allemaal. Daarna lezen we weer sprookjes over de Israëli's het allemaal ook heel erg vonden, en dat Hamas burgers als schild gebruikt, nee sterker nog, Hamas stuurde hen juist de bombardementen in, nee nog sterker: Gazanen werden gedood door de boobytraps van Hamas.

Hoe zou Naftaniël gereageerd hebben wanneer Gazanen honderden joodse kinderen naar het hiernamaals zouden schieten? Zou hij dan ook uitleggen dat dat "niet buitenproportioneel" is, en de schuld is van het IDF? Nee, natuurlijk niet, want de Naftaniël's humaniteit stopt bij het checkpoint.

Wat er werkelijk in Qalandia aan de hand is:

French activists arrested at West Bank protest
(AFP) – 1 hour ago

JERUSALEM — Nine French activists were arrested on Sunday during a pro-Palestinian demonstration at a major Israeli checkpoint in the West Bank, police and protest organisers told AFP.

"Our forces today dispersed protesters who were throwing rocks at us and proceeded to arrest nine people, including some foreigners," Micky Rosenfeld said.

"The protest took place at the Qalandia checkpoint, north of Jerusalem, and the police made arrests after the activists tried to cross the checkpoint," he added.

A spokesman for the French EuroPalestine activist group said nine French citizens were arrested at the demonstration. A Palestinian detained at the protest was later released, he said

On Saturday, another French activist, Layli Ben Saffi, was arrested by the Israeli military during a protest against Israeli settler activity in the West Bank city of Hebron. He was released on Saturday evening.

Some 70 members of the EuroPalestine group have spent the last week in the Palestinian territories on an observer mission, a group spokesman said.

The president of the organisation, Olivia Zemor, was deported last Wednesday "on the recommendation of the security services," after being detained at Ben Gurion upon arrival.

Foto's van Qalandia vandaag (en eerder) over het "geweld" van de "90 Palestijnen" die "stenen gooien":


Israeli policemen scuffle with Palestinian and foreign activists during a protest against Israel's separation barrier at the Qalandia checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem, Sunday, Dec. 26, 2010. Israel says the barrier is necessary for security while Palestinians call it a land grab.


Nog meer "geweld" van de dames.


Gooide iemand daar iets? Ronny, twitteren joh!
Israeli soldiers clash with foreign and Palestinian activists during a pro-Palestinian protest at the major Israeli checkpoint of Qalandia, between the West Bank city of Ramallah and Jerusalem, on December 26, 2010 where nine people were arrested including some foreigners.


Jawel, zeer gewelddadig, die "stenengooiers"


Oog kwijt geraakt door traangasgranaat.


Nog een traangasgranaat.


Geweld.


Qalandia checkpoint

Palestijnse arts begint rechtzaak tegen Israël

De Palestijnse gynacoloog Dr. Ezzeldeen Abu al-Aish verloor tijdens het bloedbad in Gaza door een Israëlisch bombardement op zijn huis in Beit Lahiya drie dochters. Vlak na het bombardement kwam hij, als vaste commentator, live in een uitzending van de Israëlische televisie. Later in het ziekenhuis, tijdens een ontmoeting met de pers, werd hij ook nog door boze Israëli's aangevallen. Het IDF noemde de dood van de drie meisjes "reasonable". De arts is een nieuw leven gestart in Canada. Na onderzoek concludeerde het IDF "niet verantwoordelijk voor de schade" te zijn. Abu al-Aish start nu een rechtzaak tegen Israël.

Stichting Nachamu Nachamu Ami bedankt IDF voor 'bescherming' tegen Gaza

Stichting Nachamu Nachamu Ami
Buurtscheuterlaan 51, 6711HS Ede
Telefoon: 0318 694772 | 06 30066110
KvK nr: 09136461
ANBI certificaat: giften zijn fiscaal aftrekbaar
Voorzitter: Hans van de Stolpe (Jeruzalem)
Secretaris: Anneriet Luth
Penningmeester: Jan Posno

Helaas kunnen vele dappere, jonge soldaten bij de grensposten ‘Rosh ha Shanah’ niet thuis vieren, omdat zij het Joodse huis, het Land Israel beschermen.  Daarom willen we dit jaar deze soldaten rondom Gaza verwennen met een, zoals dat in Israel genoemd wordt: ‘shai pakketje’, gevuld met: honing, appels, chocolade en koek. Ter waarde van € 10. Doet u mee? Stort uw gift op banknummer: 30.93.62.792 (Rabobank) hartelijk bedankt, namens de soldaten!


"Dapper"


"Dapper"


"Dapper"

25 December 2010

Nieuwswaarde: drie Italiaanse nonnen omgekomen bij ongeval Israël

Drie Europeanen komen in Israël om het leven door een verkeersongeluk. Dat is volgens persbureau ANP nieuws van waarde voor Nederland. Volgens cijfers van de Israëlische mensenrechtenorganisatie B'tselem, gerekend over 10 jaar, worden er gemiddeld bijna 2 Palestijnen per dag gedood door het Israëlische leger. 98,9% mensen werden op eigen land gedood. 21% waren kinderen.

Drie Italiaanse nonnen zijn vrijdag om het leven gekomen toen ze in Israël met hun auto op het betonnen gedeelte van een elektriciteitspaal reden. ... Het incident had plaats bij Beit Shean in het noorden van Israël, niet ver van de grens met Jordanië. (ANP/Nu.nl)


Beit Shean, 1900

Medio 1948 werd het Palestijnse dorp Beit Shean ingenomen door de joodse terroristen van de Hagana, waarop de bewoners moesten vluchten. Eind 1948 werd het dorp in opdracht van Ben Goerion met de grond gelijk gemaakt. Dit tot grote verontwaardiging van minister Cizling, die de Palestijnse huizen voor joden had bestemd. (Tom Segev, 1949, The First Israelis, p. 68-91) Volgens alle niet-Palestijnse bronnen heeft het Palestijnse dorp nooit bestaan en wordt alleen uitgewijd over de archeologische opgravingen die veel toeristen trekken.


Members of the Haganah (with rifles) "escorting" Palestinian Arabs being expelled from the city of Haifa on May 12, 1948. (AFP picture archive)

Waarom hebben Europeaanse verkeersdoden in Israël nieuwswaarde, en het dagelijkse doden van Palestijnen door Israëli's niet? Omdat in de commerciële massamedia het leven van een Europeaan (of Westerling) belangrijker is dan dat van een Palestijn.

Het Palestinian Centre for Human Rights publiceert o.a. wekelijks rapporten over de activiteiten en mensenrechtenschendingen van het Israëlische leger in bezet gebied. Hieronder een gedeelte van haar laaste rapport.

Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (16 – 22 December. 2010)

Thursday, 23 December 2010


The Settlers Burn a Flock of Sheep Belonging to a Palestinian in 'Aqraba Village – Nablus

Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) Continue Systematic Attacks against Palestinian Civilians and Property in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)

· 5 activist of the Palestinian resistance were killed by IOF in the Gaza Strip.
· Another 4 activists were wounded by Israeli air strikes.

· IOF continued to fire at Palestinian workers, farmers and fishermen in border areas in the Gaza Strip.
- Two Palestinian workers, including a child, and one shepherd were wounded.

· Israeli warplanes attacked a number of targets in the Gaza Strip.
· A factory of dairy products was destroyed in the southern Gaza Strip.
· A house and a grocery were destroyed and another two houses were damaged in Rafah.
· A bird farm was damaged and 1,800 chickens were killed.
· Two sites of the 'Izziddin al-Qassam Brigades (the armed wing of Hamas) were destroyed.

· IOF continued to use force against peaceful protests in the West Bank.
- 5 Palestinian civilians were wounded.
- IOF arrested 5 human rights defenders.

· IOF conducted 34 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank.
- IOF arrested 22 Palestinian civilians, including two children.

· Israel has continued to impose a total siege on the OPT and has isolated the Gaza Strip from the outside world.

· Israel has continued to take measures aimed at creating a Jewish demographic majority in Jerusalem.
- IOF demolished a houses and forced two Palestinian civilians to demolish their houses in Jerusalem.

· IOF have continued settlement activities in the West Bank and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property.
- Israeli settlers attacked two children in Jenin and burnt a cattle of sheep in Nablus.
- IOF demolished a house in Bethlehem and 4 stores in Hebron.
- IOF confiscated 50 donums[1] of land in Beit Eksa village near Jerusalem.

Summary:

Israeli violations of international law and humanitarian law in the OPT continued during the reporting period (16 – 22 December 2010):

Shooting:

During the reporting period, IOF killed 5 activists of the Palestinian resistance and wound 4 others in the Gaza Strip. They also wounded 8 Palestinian civilians, including a child in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.

On 18 December 2010, an IOF drone fired a missile at a number of activists of the Palestinian resistance in the central Gaza Strip who were attempting to fire home-made rockets into Israel. As a result, 5 activists were killed.

On 20 December 2010, two activists of the Palestinian resistance were wounded when Israeli warplanes bombarded a site of the 'Izziddin al-Qassam Brigades (the armed wing of Hamas) in Khan Yunis. On 21 December 2010, another two activists were wounded when Israeli warplanes bombarded another site in Rafah.

During the reporting period, IOF fired at Palestinian workers who were collecting scraps of construction materials. As a result, two workers, including a child, were wounded by Israeli gunfire.

On 19 December 2010, a Palestinian shepherd was wounded by Israeli gunfire in the northern Gaza Strip.

During the reporting period, Israeli warplanes attacked a number of targets in the Gaza Strip. As a result, a factory of dairy products, a house, a grocery and two paramilitary sites were destroyed and two houses and a bird farm were damaged. Additionally, 1,800 chickens were killed.

During the reporting period, IOF used excessive force to disperse peaceful demonstrations organized in protest to Israeli settlement activities and the construction of the annexation wall. As a result, 5 Palestinian civilians were wounded, and dozens of Palestinian civilians and international human rights defenders suffered from tear gas inhalation or sustained bruises. IOF also arrested 3 Israeli human rights defenders and two international ones.

Incursions:

During the reporting period, IOF conducted at least 34 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank, during which they arrested 22 Palestinian civilians, including two children.

Restrictions on Movement:

Israel had continued to impose a tightened siege on the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem 

» Lees het hele rapport